Gaelic Folklore (29): Gallic Bloodrites

Gallic Blood Rites: Pleasing the Gods, Terrifying the enemy.

Excavations of sanctuaries in northern France support ancient literary accounts of Violent Gallic rituals:

“When their enemies fall they cut off their heads and fasten them about the necks of their horses; and turning over to their attendants the arms of their opponents, all covered with blood, they carry them off as booty, singing a paean over them and striking up a song of victory, and these first-fruits of battle they fasten by nails upon their  p175 houses, just as men do, in certain kinds of hunting, with the heads of wild beasts they have mastered. 5 The heads of their most distinguished enemies they embalm in cedar-oil and carefully preserve in a chest, and these they exhibit to strangers, gravely maintaining that in exchange for this head some one of their ancestors, or their father, or the man himself, refused the offer of a great sum of money. And some men among them, we are told, boast that they have not accepted an equal weight of gold for the head they show, displaying a barbarous sort of greatness of soul; for not to sell that which constitutes a witness and proof of one's valour is a noble thing, but to continue to fight against one of our own race, after he is dead, is to descend to the level of beasts.”

Diodorus Siculus, V.29

Modern historians, relying on reports by Caesar and others, have characterized the religion of the Celts in Gaul as spontaneous rites, in contrast to the well-planned cultic practices of the Greek and Romans.

Archaeologists have now revealed that the Gauls did, in fact, build permanent ritual sites at places like Gournay-sur-Aronde and Ribemont-sur Ancre in northen France. Dated to the end of the fourth or beginning of the third century B.C. these cult centers were the work of warlike tribes called the Belgae, thought to have arrived in northern Gaul from central Europe at the end of the great Celtic invasions of the fourth century B.C.

The rituals performed at Gournay-sur-Aronde and Ribemont-sur-Ancre, however, went well beyond animal sacrifice, a commonplace rite among the Greeks and Romans, and included the triumphant display of the remains of enemies killed in battle or sacrificed to the gods of the underworld, from whom the Gauls believed they were descended.  Evidence from excavations at these sites suggests similarities between Gallic religion and Greek chtonic (underworld) cults. A sunken altar recovered at Gournay-sur Aronde is similar to a Greek escharon, also consecrated to underworld deities. Although Greeks and Romans used stone while the Gauls used wood and mud brick, Gallic sanctuaries, like their Greco-Roman counterparts, were rectangular in plan, between 90 and 150 feet to a side.  Imposing wooden palisades enclosed the sacred inner precinct of these sanctuaries, accessible only by a monumental eastward-facing gateway.

Access to the inner precincts would have been restricted to priests, initiates and aristocratic dignitaries: the majority of congregants would have stood in the flat, open space outside the enclosed area. A structure within the enclosure housed and further protected the sunken altar. Animal sacrifice was the most common ritual offering of the Gauls. Relying on ancient texts and Gallo-Roman sculptures, historians of religion have long believed the Gauls caught wild animals for this sacrifice. Excavations of the sanctuaries, however, have revealed that from the end of the fourth to the beginning of the second century B.C. the Gauls, like the Greeks, also sacrificed common domestic animals principally cattle, pigs and sheep. Priests would offer the divinity a skinned animal carcass, which remained on the altar until it had decomposed. The skulls were usually nailed to the gateway, probably to fend off evil spirits.

Corroborating the accounts of the first century B.C. Roman historian Diodorus Siculus and other ancients, excavation clearly shows that human sacrifice was practiced as well. In the interior corners of the sacred inner precinct at Ribemont-sur-Ancre, human bones belonging to nearly 1000 enemy warriors were burned as sacrificial offerings in open-topped ossuaries, square-shaped structures five feet to a side, adorned on the outside with crisscrossed bones. The priests first crushed the bones, probably to expose the marrow, where the Gauls, like the Greeks, located the soul on which underworld deities feasted. After breaking the bones, the priests dumped them into the hollow central chamber of the ossuaries where they were buried. That the Gauls sacrificially burned their enemies  would surely have daunted anyone planning to wage war against them. Upon approaching a ritual site, a potential attacker might have seen smoke from burning bones rising from the sacred precinct. Or he might have seen the captured armor of conquered enemies fastened to tall poles or a tangled assemblage of headless corpses lying along the outer wall.

Two thousand iron weapons and pieces of armor found by archeologists in a ditch adjacent to the sanctuary at Gournay-sur-Aronde were once displayed as intimidating war trophies. Examination showed that the swords and scabbards, war girdles, shields and lances were originally arranged as some 500 individual suits of armor, either standing on the platform of the gate way or hung from poles around the sacred inner precinct. The number of suits of armor in the deposit indicates nearly a century of battles and of intensive use of the sanctuary as a depository for war trophies that both commemorated tribal victory and informed other tribes of the consequences of war with the Belgae, whom Caesar in his Gallic War said were the bravest of the Gauls. The weapons, exposed for many years, fell to the ground when the wood and leather parts rotted: they were then ritually destroyed by the priests, a custom corresponding to a Roman practice described by the late first century A.D. historian Plutarch, and thrown into the ditch were they were found more than 2200 years later by archaeologists.

Evidence of human sacrifice was even more striking at Ribemont-sur-Ancre, where war trophies included headless human corpses and crushed, burned human bones. A particularly spectacular deposit of bones comprising some 80 skeletons was found outside the sacred area along the sanctuary’s outer wall. All headless, the skeletons had been piled up and tangled together along with weapons, the bodies contorted into unnatural positions. Beheading is mentioned by Diodorus Siculus, recalling an account of the Greek historian and philosopher Posidonius, who travelled in Gaul at the end of the second century B.C. Posidonius related that Gallic warriors regularly cut of the heads of enemies conquered in battle to keep as personal trophies. Diodorus added that, after having cut off the head, the bodies and captured weapons were given to servants. Since no skulls have been found at Ribemont, it is likely that warriors indeed kept the heads of their enemies, leaving servants to create communal trophies of bodies and weapons found at the sanctuaries. A sanctuary may have also served as a communal trophy depository not only for victorious warriors of a particular tribe, but also for tribes allied in battle. Since different tribes often shared one or more gods, common trophies at cult sites may have facilitated treaties between them, secured by divine covenant.

The sanctuaries seem to have served a double function, martial and cultic. The Gauls designed them to celebrate victory in war and intimidate potential enemies while pleasing the gods of the underworld, whom they believed made them great warriors.

Considering the archaeological evidence from excavations at Gournay and Ribemont it is time to reevaluate our understanding of the religion and cultic sites of the Gauls. Ancient sources offer a promising jumping-off point for archaeologists who, with each new excavation, are clarifying some of the vague and confusing descriptions offered by Greek and Roman historians. The human remains and weapons at Ribemont are examples of the dedicatory heaps of booty piled up in consecrated areas that Caesar mentions in his account of the Gallic war. The human bones nailed to what ancient historians thought were Gallic houses we now understand to be intimidating ornaments for the permanent cultic sites. Little by little, archaology has added to our understanding of the warlike Belgae, whose brutality features so prominently in ancient literature.

 

Archaeology, vol. 54, no.2, 20001, J. L. Brunaux.

Gaelic Folklore (28): The Terror of the Night and the Morrigain

 

The ‘terror of the Night’ and the Morrígain: Shifting faces of the supernatural.

Introduction

A rich man has a beautiful but poor woman as his lover. They have two sons together. One day he tells her that he is going to marry a rich woman, chosen by his family. He will take the children with him. She weeps and wails like a madwoman, but it is to no avail. Then she picks up the children and goes to the river, where she drowns them. She falls down, and dies in grief. In heaven, she is welcomed because she has suffered. But before they let her in, she must return to collect the souls of her children and bring them with her. So she goes to the river. Her long hair flows over the riverbanks; her long fingers grope deep into the water and she calls out for her children. Parents tell their children not to go to the river after dark, because the Weeping Woman might mistake them for her own children and take them with her forever.

In this Mexican tale, we see shifting imagery of a woman. A lovely but unfortunate woman transforms into a nocturnal ghost, forever restless, lamenting, looking for her children. At the same time, we are told about a horrible creature that might harm living children. She reminds us of other mythological supernatural women, such as the Jewish Lilith and the Greek Lamia, whose children were killed, causing them to become relentless, murdering demons.

The narratives portray these women in a linear chronological development from happy to sad to horrible and from beautiful to ugly, but somehow these women never seem entirely to lose their original characteristics. Their representations in text and art shift between the various stages in a non-linear way. In other words: we are dealing with coexisting, diverse images of the supernatural. We tend to emphasise one aspect, but often there are several sides to supernatural beings that are equally ‘true’.

This tendency is sometimes also noticeable with regard to early Irish mythological beings. The subject of this contribution is the supernatural woman called the Morrígain, who is usually classified as a War Goddess. Máire Herbert, however, has rightly pleaded for a fresh, open minded study of the primary sources about supernatural women, without preconceived ideas about their function. In this paper the imagery of the supernatural in the Old Irish poem Reicne Fothaid Canainne will be studied. I hope to show that the poem represents not only familiar images from the Irish background of the Morrígain, but that we may also detect unfamiliar, foreign faces of this figure. This shifting of images makes the Morrígain into a more complex and a richer symbol than merely a supernatural representative of war.

In the Old Irish poem, central to this paper, it is the spectral shape of Fothad (§49), who addresses the woman on the battle field. He refers to his bloody corpse and unwashed head being elsewhere (§2). Before focusing on the supernatural beings mentioned in this poem, we will first look at its structure. A schematic survey is given below; the numbers refer to the stanzas.

1a. Woman, do not speak to me

1b–7. A lament about his death

1b. I look back at what happened at [Linn] Féic.

2. My bloody corpse lies beside Leitir Dá mBruach; my unwashed head is among the slaughtered warriors.

3. My tryst with you was a tryst with death.

4. My death at Féic was destined for me.

5. Our last meeting was doomed (but I do not blame you).

6. If we had known, we would have avoided this tryst.

7. I was generous during my life.

8–19. A lament about the death of his men

12–19. Description of his men

20. A lament about the present situation

21–22. The battle and death of Fothad & Ailill

23. Warning to the woman

Watch out for the terror of the night

Do not have a conversation with a dead man

Go home with my treasures

24–41a. Description of the treasures

41b–44. Warning to the woman

41b–43. Watch out for the Morrígain

44. I am in danger; I cannot protect you

Go home while parting is still fair.

45. His departure in the morning

Go home; the night is ending

46–47. Request for a memorial

46. Remember this reicne

47. Put a stone on my grave

48–49. The farewell

48a. My imminent departure and the torture of my soul by a dark one

48b. Only the adoration of the King of Heaven matters

49a. The dark blackbird’s laughter to the believers

49b. My speech and face are spectral

Woman, do not speak to me.

The poem is addressed to the woman. The dead man contradicts himself regularly, which heightens the emotionality of the poem. His tryst with the woman turned out to be a tryst with death. The woman was the cause of this and yet, he does not blame her. His death was destined, but if he had known this outcome, he would have avoided the tryst. He speaks of his love for his men and the woman, and asks her to remember his poem and make his gravestone. If she does this, her love would not be a waste of time, because she would create two everlasting memorials for him. Yet, he concludes that earthly love is a folly―the only thing that counts is the adoration of the King of Heaven.

There are several supernatural entities mentioned in this poem, such as the spectral shape of Fothad, the terror of the night, the Morrígain, the dark one, and the King of Heaven. Three of them will be discussed in this paper: first, the terror of the night; second, the Morrígain, and third, the dark creature mentioned at the end of the poem. I will try to show that the imagery of these three is interrelated or, in other words, how the faces of the supernatural shift and mix.

2. The terror of the night and Irish úatha

Fothad starts his poem by silencing the woman. After lamenting the death of himself and his men, he warns her of danger threatening her:

“Do not wait for the terror of night on the battle-field among the resting-places of the hosts; one should not hold converse with a dead man, betake thee to thy house, carry my spoils with thee!”

What is this ‘terror of night’? Does this merely refer to the general human fear of the dark night, augmented by the presence of bloody corpses on the battlefield? The Dictionary of the Irish Language (DIL) translates úath as ‘fear, horror, terror; a horrible or terrible thing’. Fothad does not seem to refer to merely an emotion here, but to a supernatural being that may endanger the woman. She must hurry, because it is somewhere on the battlefield.

There are several descriptions of úatha in early Irish literature, of which I give a selection here. Úatha are extremely frightening beings, often associated with battle. The Lebor na hUidre (LU) version of Fled Bricrenn, ‘The feast of Bricriu’, supplies the following portrayal of úatha:

The geniti screech at him. They wrestle with each other. His spear is fragmented and his shield is destroyed and his clothes are torn around him. And the geniti beat and subdue him. ‘Well then, Cú Chulainn’, said Lóeg, ‘wretched coward, one-eyed sprite, your fury and your valour have gone since it is spectres that ruin you’. Thereupon Cú Chulainn is contorted in a spectral way and he turns towards the terrors and he hacks and fragments them so that the valley was full with their blood.

Apparently, the terms urtrochta or airdrecha, ‘spectres’, and úatha were seen as suitable synonyms for geniti, ‘(female?) creatures’. Previously in the text at line 8872, the supernatural fighters are referred to as geniti glinne, ‘(female?) creatures of the valley’. After the fight, they are referred to as ‘dark enemies’ (lochnamait; line 8894). Their spectral nature seems to be expressed by the term airdrecha. It could be that the term geniti indicates their female gender, because a gloss in Lebor na hUidre by scribe H and glossaries explain genit and/or gen as ‘woman’.

It is worthwhile to have a closer look at this lemma in the glossaries. We read in O’Mulconry’s Glossary: gen .i. benglynnon .i. foglaid .i. banfoglaid bid anglinn genit glinde .i. ben inglinn gen, that is: a glynnon [valley?] woman; that is: a robber; that is: a female robber, who is in a valley genit glinde [creature of a valley], that is: a woman in a valley. The lemma genit glinne is thus explained as a woman in a valley, whereby genit is explained as ben, ‘woman’. The interlinear gloss, however, explains gen as ‘woman’, albeit a special type: the rather mysterious glynnon woman. The latter in its turn is glossed as a robber, to be precise, as a female robber dwelling in a valley. The additional gloss that explains gen as ben, ‘woman’, seems to be inspired by the two previous lemmata in the glossary (nrs 638–639), in which gene―representing the Greek word for ‘woman’ γυνή―is explained with Latin mulier, ‘woman’.

In another glossary, found in Dublin, TCD, MS H.3.18, genit glinne is explained as gen and then two further explanations are given, one seemingly in Latin and one in Irish: Genit glinde .i. gen .i. glynoon; ben bid hi nglinn Genit glinne, that is: gen, that is: glynoon woman; that is a woman who is in a valley. It seems to me that glynnon and glynoon are fake Latin (or Greek?) terms (cp. Welsh glyn = Irish glenn) which are used here to specify gen, which does not simply refer to ‘woman’ as it did in lemmata 638 and 639 of O’Mulconry’s Glossary, but which is here used to explain genit, a supernatural type of woman.

The main lemma of O’Mulconry’s Glossary, however, directly explains genit as woman, just as genaiti is glossed mná, ‘women’, in Lebor na hUidre, line 3520. This latter use of the word genaiti also refers to supernatural women, who, moreover, are said to laugh in an ominous way.

The examples of geniti in the literature confirm their supernatural nature. What we can deduct from the episode in Fled Bricrenn about these úatha, geniti glinne and airdrecha is the following. They are very powerful, possibly female, supernatural fighters. Three excellent Ulster heroes are sent to them to test their valor and two of them return naked and defeated. Cú Chulainn, the most formidable hero, is able to overcome them, but only when he is roused to his extraordinary martial fury, brought about by the taunts of his charioteer Lóeg. The úatha are screaming, fighting, nocturnal apparitions, associated with a valley. The word ‘spectre’ gives the impression that they are made of thin air, but it should be noted that they appear to have a body that can be grasped and fought with. Moreover, their valley is covered with their blood after the fight.

These úatha may be female; another episode in the Lebor na hUidre version of Fled Bricrenn describes a male Úath. This Úath mac Imomain (Terror son of Great Fear) possesses great supernatural power, is a shape-shifter and functions both as a test (like the geniti glinne or úatha) and as a judge (unlike them) of the three contestants for the hero’s portion.

Another encounter with úatha is found in an adventure of Finn mac Cumaill. This narrative has come down to us in the form of a prose tale and two poems, usually referred to as ‘Finn and the Phantoms’. Finn, Oisín and Caílte are lured to a mysterious house in a valley, where they spend the night in a gruesome, spectral company. A churl, a three-headed old woman, a headless man with one eye in his chest, and nine bodies with nine loose heads make ‘music’ for them by shrieking horribly. The churl kills their horses and roasts the flesh on spits of rowan. When it is still raw, it is offered as a ‘meal’. Finn refuses to eat, which is taken as an insult. The fire is extinguished, and Finn and his companions are beaten up during the dark night. At sunrise the house and its inhabitants vanish, and the human victims and horses are well again. Finn discovers the identity of their enemies through a mantic procedure: they were the three or nine Terrors of Yew Valley. It should be noted that the prose version mentions three úatha, Poem I three fúatha and Poem II nine fúatha.

In the Middle Irish period, it is difficult to distinguish úath from fúath, ‘form, likeness; hideous or supernatural form, spectre’, because even though fúath is a different word, semantically úath and fúath converge. The úatha are thus portrayed as nocturnal, shrieking, fighting and frightening shapeshifters, associated with a valley.

These terrifying beings also appear in hagiography. Fúatha threaten the seventh-century Saint Moling in his youth, according to the Middle Irish Geinemain Molling ocus a bethae, ‘The birth of Moling and his Life’. When the saint is sixteen years old, he wanders through Luachair, singing his prayer. Suddenly, he sees an ominous company on his path: an unshapely, ugly monster (torathar)―explained by the text as the Fúath aingeda―and his dark, ugly, unshapely household―explained as people in the shape of spectres (arrachta). The whole company consists of the Wicked Fúath, his wife, his servant, his dog and a group of nine persons. St Moling manages to escape from them by making three enormous leaps. The fúatha cry loud and pursue him, but it is to no avail. The main fúath in St Moling’s Life is male.

Whitley Stokes  translates in Fúath aingeda as ‘the Evil Spectre’, taking aingeda as andgedae, sister form of andgid, derived from andach, ‘evil’. Proinsias Mac Cana points out that the first title of the úath-group in Tale List A is Uath Angeda and suggests that this refers to an earlier form of the Moling tale. According to Mac Cana, the original tale may have been about a hag. He bases this upon a Middle Irish poem ascribed to Moling, in which the saint has a female adversary, called Aingid. These fúatha share the following characteristics with the úatha that were described above: residence in a wild place, their loud shouting, and their fighting habits. Interestingly, the spectres are said to be engaged in fogal, ‘attack, injury, damage; plundering’, and díberg, ‘marauding, freebooting, pillaging’, which occupation is also ascribed to geniti glinne in the above-quoted gloss on the relevant lemma in O’Mulconry’s Glossary.

Finally, two poems use the term úath to describe the ugly appearance of the Sovereignty. The poem Temair Breg, baile na fían, extant in the Book of Leinster (LL) and Rawlinson B 502, ascribed to Cuán Ó Lothcháin (†1024) tells of the meeting of the five sons of King Eochu Muigmedón with an old, female seer (écess) in the wilderness, who guards a well. When the son who is destined to be king kisses her horrible mouth, she turns into the beautiful appearance of the Sovereignty. The second poem, the metrical dindshenchas on Carn Máil, also describes king’s sons in the wilderness after a hunt. They are visited by an old, ugly woman, characterised as úath olair abbáeth, ‘obese lustful terror’. She threatens to eat them and their dogs, but when one of them says that he will yield to her sexual desire, she transforms into a radiant, young beauty. These úatha are dark, ominous appearances, who function as tests for the sons of a king, and the right reaction of the young man destined for royalty brings about her transformation into a radiant, promising figure. Again, an úath turns out to be a shape-shifter, and this specific type has the gift of prophecy as well.

Thus far, I have discussed humanoid úatha. There are also bestial terrors, of which I will only mention an example from a text in Old Irish. The previously described úatha turned out to be a test for kings-to-be. The úath in Echtrae Fergusa maic Leiti forms a test for a ruling king. When King Fergus mac Leite sees a monster (designated water beast, muirdris and úath) under water, his face becomes deformed by fear. This ‘loss of face’ makes him unfit to be a king and in the end, he also loses his life.

As our poem is Old Irish, our main focus is on texts that are contemporaneous with it. Therefore, we should take our clues from Fled Bricrenn and the lemma on genit glinne, which belongs to the Old Irish stratum of O’Mulconry’s Glossary. It is possible that Fothad warns his lover of one of these frightening, screaming, utterly destructive fighters, possibly robbers living in a valley, operating at night. Some readers may have associated the terror of the night with these supernatural beings.

3. A demon called ‘terror of the night’

There is another possibility that should be considered as well. Readers who were acquainted with the Bible may have made a different identification. In the Hebrew Bible or Old Testament, there are two references to a harmful supernatural being, associated with the night and with a sudden attack. It is

called pa»ad laylâ or ‘the terror of the night’. In Jewish sources and liturgy, Psalm 91 (Psalm 90 in the Vulgate) is called ‘a song for evil encounters’, which should be recited before sleep.

What people feared were attacks by harmful supernatural beings. The Psalm lists several demons ―among them we find the terror of the night: His [i.e. God’s] truth shall surround you with a shield, You will not be afraid of the terror of the night. This Psalm was not only used by Jews in their daily rituals, but was also part of medieval Irish liturgy. Psalm 90:5 is quoted in ‘Gloria in Excelsis’ in the Irish Liber Hymnorum and paraphrased in the Antiphonary of Bangor. We know that these texts were sung or recited at night, and thus one prayed for protection from demons and dangers.

The second reference to the ‘terror of the night’ is in the Song of Songs. The text tells of sixty strong men surrounding the bed of King Solomon: “All holding swords and most expert in war Every man’s sword upon his thigh because of terrors of the night.” A scene of warriors with swords on their thighs is also known in early Irish literature. In The wasting sickness of Cú Chulainn men are thus said to swear as testimony to the truth of their boasts upon battle deeds. Even though the context is completely different, it is interesting that this statement was put in a ‘demonic’ context by a gloss explaining that a demon used to talk from the sword. If we want to identify these ‘demons’, we should think of supernatural women, such as the Morrígain.

Apparently, demons and weapons were associated with each other, but there is a contrast between the biblical and Irish texts in the function of armour within this association. In Irish texts, demons are sometimes said to dwell in armour (i.e., helmets, shields and weapons). As we saw, in Psalm 90 God’s truth functions as a shield and thus as a way of protection against demons. A similar function is attributed to the swords held by the strong men around the bed of King Solomon. This scene reflects the belief, widespread in the Ancient Near East, that a couple was vulnerable to the attacks of evil spirits and night demons during the wedding night, especially when the marriage was consummated. This is why armed servants are present in the room ―as a protection against demonic attacks. This type of harm to newly-weds was in particular ascribed to ‘Terror of the night’.

If the author of Reicne Fothaid Canainne knew of this belief, then the expression ‘terror of the night’ in the context of the poem is well suited to the occasion. The lover, already killed, warns his beloved woman of this ‘terror’ in the night that should have been the start of their marriage. This supernatural attacker of newly-weds could thus have been assumed to be nearby.

It is, however, uncertain to what extent the author of our poem was aware of the mythological and cultic background of the terror of the night as referred to in the Song of Songs. What we badly need is knowledge about which Jewish traditions were known to medieval Christians. A channel of transmission that is still traceable today is represented by the writings of the Church Fathers. In their comments on these two biblical passages, they explain the ‘terror of the night’ in a sexual and demonic way. Thus far, I have not found an exposé on the cultic background of the verse in the Song of Songs, but we could surmise that if the author of Reicne Fothaid Canainne was acquainted with the Bible, the demonic nature of the terror of the night is obvious from Psalm 90. What should be noted is that some Jewish theologians identified this demon as Lilith. As will become clear in this paper, the question whether (Irish) Christian exegetes also linked the nocturnal terror with this succubus demon is an intriguing one. The fear of nocturnal temptation expressed by the Church Fathers seems to hint at a similar identification.

We return to the Old Irish poem. There is a third possible way to interpret the terror of the night. Looking at the structure of the poem (see above), we observe that the warning to the woman is interrupted by the command to take away the treasures. Then an elaborate description of Fothad’s treasures is given, which breaks off in the middle of quatrain §41. It is as if the spectre takes up the warning again, by focusing on a supernatural being nearby: the Morrígain. It might be the case that ‘the terror of night’ already refers to her.

We learn from the Old Irish Glossary of Cormac that the supernatural beings called úath and Morrígain have something in common: “False demons, that is: terrors and Morrígnae.” Apparently, both ‘terrors’ and morrígnae were good equivalents for the word gúdemain, translated as ‘spectres’ in the Dictionary of the Irish Language. This translation is presumably based upon the somewhat popular translation by John O’Donovan: ‘.i. spectres and fairy queens’, to which Stokes added: “Guidemain seems to mean ‘false demons’, from gó, gúa 😊 W. gau) ‘false’ and demain for demuin, n. pl. of demon, a demon, daemonion, (Corn. Gevan or jevan), gen. s. demuin”. The meaning ‘false demons’ is indeed more likely, because this is one of the interpretations offered by another gloss. It should be noted, moreover, that the last name of the red woman alias the Morrígain in the Yellow Book of Lecan version of Táin bó Regamna is Úath.

What is important to us now is that both the Morrígain and the terror of the night could be classified as terrifying demons. It is possible that Fothad’s warning is not a double but an interrupted warning about a supernatural being nearby on the battlefield, known as the terror of the night alias the Morrígain.

4. Supernatural women and demons

Fothad describes the Morrígain as follows. He calls her ‘an evil guest’. She visits, stirs up and frightens people. She is washing entrails and spoils. She laughs and throws her long hair over her back. All these characteristics deserve further study. For the purpose of the present paper, I have selected one in particular: her laughter.

The laughter of the Morrígain is described as follows: “Horrible the hateful laugh she laughs“. The ambiguity of laughter in Irish has been noted previously: Joseph Vendryes points out that tibid not only means ‘laughs, smiles’ but also ‘to beat, hit, push’; Philip O’Leary discusses the danger of laughter as a

literary motif; and, most recently, Liam Mac Mathúna displays the full spectrum of laughter in his survey of Irish lexical expressions for laughing and smiling.

The expression used in our poem―tibid gen, ‘to laugh a laugh’ or ‘to smile a smile’―is also found elsewhere in early Irish literature. Especially interesting for a comparison with the description of the Morrígain are examples of supernatural women laughing in an ominous and dangerous context. I selected an example from The wasting sickness of Cú Chulainn, the text with the scene of warriors with swords on their thighs, mentioned above.

This is the well-known tale about Cú Chulainn and his relationship with a woman of the síd called Fand, which means ‘tear’. The story ends indeed in a sad way for Fand and to a certain extent for Cú Chulainn, but laughter is part of the first meeting between Cú Chulainn and representatives of the Otherworld. It is, however, ominous laughter, which is expressed by the words tibid gen. Two women approach Cú Chulainn, who lies asleep against a pillar stone. They both laugh at him and then almost kill him by beating him with horsewhips: “The woman in the green mantle came to him and laughed at him, and struck him with her horsewhip. The other came to him, too, and laughed at him, and struck him in the same way”. These two women are Lí Ban and Fand from the síd, who first visited Cú Chulainn in bird form but were attacked by him, despite his wife’s warning against this, because of the supernatural power (cumachtae) she perceives behind the birds.

At first sight, the contrast could not be greater when we compare the Morrígain as described in our poem with the beautiful, enticing women of the síd in this tale. If we look closer, however, there are some similarities. The laughter combined with the beating might be seen as a sign of the sinister

side of the áes síde. A similar hint is found in a poem, uttered by Cú Chulainn’s charioteer Lóeg, when he calls the women genaiti:

It is great frivolousness for a warrior

To lie in sleep of wasting sickness,

For it shows genaiti i.e., women

Folk from Tenmag Trogaige, i.e., from Mag Mell

And they have subdued (?) thee,

They have confined thee,

They torture thee

in the toils of female frivolousness.

We have seen that the word geniti is used for supernatural frightening female fighters, also called terrors (úatha), who beat and subdue Cú Chulainn in Fled Bricrenn; and this is consistent with the image that Lóeg paints in this poem. They have subdued and tortured Cú Chulainn, who is confined to his bed. It should be noted that a gloss explains geniti here as ‘women’ (mná), which reminds us of O’Mulconry’s glossary, quoted above: a genit is a woman (Genit glinde .i. ben i nglinn). The well-known colophon at the end of the text tells the readers that they should call these women ‘demons’. One could wonder now what this has to do with the Morrígain. The only two points of comparison are 1) ominous laughter in a battle context and 2) supernatural women associated with fighting.

At this point we need to pay attention to an obscure, heavily glossed poem that accompanies the text ofThe wasting sickness of Cú Chulainn in the manuscript margin. We read in the upper margin of Lebor na hUidre folio 50a:47:

The desire of the woman of the scaldcrow i.e. badb are her fires i.e. spear & armour. The slaughter of a body i.e. side thereafter Juices i.e. blood, body i.e. body/corpse under bodies i.e. under men Eyes i.e. eyes, heads i.e. head belonging to a raven i.e. of a raven.

Joanne Findon emphasises the fact that this poem is found on the page where an emotional poem is written, uttered by Fand, in which she says farewell to Cú Chulainn. Findon points out that one’s eyes are, however, drawn to the upper margin of the page first, where the scribe (M) “has boxed in the quatrain and its glosses with dark lines, as if to highlight it particularly”. The quatrain speaks of the desire of the scaldcrow woman, and this is glossed by the words: ‘that is: Badb’. Findon states that the bloodthirsty desire of the Badb in the marginal quatrain is here in fact juxtaposed with the sexual desire of Fand in the poem in the main text. In her opinion this comparison “is an outrageous textual distortion that completely misrepresents [Fand’s] Otherworld nature as it is configured in this text”. Findon suggests that this poem might be a Christian warning against fascinating Otherworld portrayals, and especially the moving description of female desire as expressed by Fand.

Just as readers in the Middle Ages could have different readings of the same text, so can we. Even though I admire Findon’s reading that focuses on the contrast, I want to look at the similarities between the Badb and Fand, and include the Morrígain in my reading. The tale is clearly a moving love story, but there is more to it. There is a good reason why Lóeg called Fand and Lí Ban geniti. Geniti shriek, fight, and hover above fighting armies, inciting or frightening warriors. Some of them help Cú Chulainn by making him more dread-inspiring in battle; others oppose him or are even involved in his downfall.

Looking again at the role of Fand and Lí Ban in The wasting sickness of Cú Chulainn we note that they not only overpower Cú Chulainn and beat him up, but they also incite him to fight in the Otherworld, on the side of Lí Ban’s husband. Schematically, Lí Ban and Fand represent: first, an approach to Cú Chulainn in a different―bird―form; second, a threat represented by the beating; third, an offer of sex; and fourth, an incitement to fight. This is similar to what the Badb and the Morrígain represent for Cú Chulainn in Táin Bó Cúailnge Recension I.

As a boy of five, Cú Chulainn is on the battlefield on a dark night, fighting with a spectre. The Irish word is aurddrag, the term also used for the úatha or geniti glinne that Cú Chulainn fights with in Fled Bricrenn. The spectre overpowers him, but then the voice of the Badb from among the corpses incites him to fight: “They wrestled then and Cú Chulainn was thrown. He heard the Badb crying from among the corpses: “Poor stuff to make a warrior is he who is overthrown by phantoms”.

This spectre seems to personify the terror experienced on the battlefield. It seems as if Conchobar hints at this terror (úath) by using the word úathbás when Cú Chulainn has found him after conquering the spectre: ‘Why have you come to the battle-field’ said Conchobar, “where you may die of fright?”

Moreover, in the same epic text, it is the Morrígain who approaches him in female human form with an offer of assistance in the fight and of sex, followed by a threat and a fight when he refuses her. These similarities make me wonder: was the quatrain perhaps added as a reminder of other supernatural women, who are closely related to Cú Chulainn?

This comparison, moreover, highlights non-stereotypical sides of supernatural females. The Morrígain is not only dangerous, but also sensual. The Badb is not only an enemy but also helpful. Fand is not only beautiful but also connected with violence. Even though we find them sometimes lumped together in a single category as demons, yet early Irish literature with its many voices has kept differentiation alive.The glossaries not only apply the common denominator of demons to supernatural beings but also supply different names and nuances for them. This seems to be another instance of the shifting of the faces of the supernatural.

In the area of classification there appears to be some flexibility as well. For instance, we have seen that Cormac’s Glossary brought úatha and morrígnae together as gúdemain. In another glossary on ‘The last Bretha Nemed or judgments of privileged (or professional) persons’, gúdemain are explained as scald crows and women of the síd, which are then connected with the Morrígain in a plural form in a gloss in the upper margin: Howlers, that is: foxes or a wolf. Gudomuin (Gúdemain, false demons), that is: scald crows or women of the síd. (In the upper margin:) false (?) howlers, that is the false demons, the morrígna; or it is a falsehood so that the women of the síd are not demons; it is a falsehood so that the scald crows are not demons of hell, but demons of the air. (In the right-hand margin:) Or: the foxes double their howls and the scald crows double their sounds/vowels.

The word gúdemain apparently needed explanation and it is interesting to note that both marginal comments connect the term with the previous lemma on glaídemuin. The gloss in the right-hand margin etymologises both words as having to do with sound. Glaidomuin is explained from glaéd, ‘howl, shout, call’, and emuin, ‘pairs, twins’. Gudomuin is split up in guth, ‘vowel, sound’, and emuin, ‘pairs, twins’. The gloss in the upper margin is concerned with classification. It is possible that the author took inspiration from Cormac’s Glossary, because false demons are here explained as morrígna. Perhaps this glossator also added the wolf to the explanation of howlers as foxes, because this is the explanation of howlers in Cormac’s Glossary: Gláidemain .i. maic tíre gláidaite .i. focerdait húalla, ‘Howlers, that is: wolves that howl; that is: they utter wails’.

At first sight, it may seem that the glossator added a third category to the howlers and false demons: false howlers. Demons are, however, also infamous as producers of horrible sounds, screams and shrieks. It looks, therefore, as if the foxes and wolves should be seen as the true howlers, and the others perhaps as screamers but not as true howlers. The glossator then goes on speculating about other ‘false’ classifications and seems to suggest that women of the síd are not really demons. Scald crows, furthermore, are demons of the air and―he seems to say―thus not really demons either, because the true demons are located in Hell.

I have thus tried to make sense of the comments in the upper margin, and my views remain of course tentative. There is one aspect that is absent in my interpretation, and that is etymology. What etymological basis did the author of the gloss in the upper margin have for connecting glaidomuin with gudomuin other than that they appear in the same order in Cormac’s Glossary? The only thing I can think of is that the author saw glaidomuin as consisting of gláed, ‘cry, shout, howl’, and demain, ‘demons’, just as gúdemain was possibly formed from gú, ‘false’, and demain, ‘demons’. Thus, the lemmata on ‘howl demons’ and ‘false demons’ would have led to an explanation starting with ‘false howlers’ in order to distinguish the howlers from the shriekers.

The classification of scald crows as demonic in Irish texts is well known, but is it also possible to put foxes and wolves in the same category. It suffices within the context of this study to point out that upernatural beings, birds of prey and wild beasts are associated with demons, because all of these may howl or shriek, and they may inhabit similar places that are wild or deserted. We encounter collections of these creatures as an evil omen for the battle to come in, for instance, In cath catharda, the Middle Irish adaptation/translation of Lucan’s Civil War.

Thus, the centre of Rome is described as becoming a night lair for wild beasts; nocturnal birds fly around at day time; phantoms and shades from the Underworld terrify the human inhabitants at night; the Badb of battle (a Fury in the source text) goes around, and many other abnormal phenomena are described. The Irish text adds the loud howling of hounds and wolves at night to the description.61 Biblical visions of destruction also portray deserted cities, inhabited by wild beasts, birds of prey and frightening female and male demons. There are several examples of such scenes; one of them will be discussed below.

5. Black birds and demons

We move on now from the study of the terror of the night and the Morrígain to the third supernatural being. The first two entities are said to be a threat to the living woman. The supernatural being to be discussed now is said to be a threat to the dead man. Toward the end of the poem, Fothad announces that soon his soul will be tormented:

My riddled body must part from thee awhile,

My soul to be tortured by the black demon.

Save (for) the worship of Heaven’s King,

Love of this world is folly.

Kuno Meyer translates donn as ‘the black demon’. In a later publication he corrects this into Donn, the proper name of an ancestral deity of the Irish, the presumably pre-Christian Death God. As this line is immediately followed by Fothad’s sudden insight that only the adoration of the King of Heaven matters and love for this world is foolish, we can safely conclude that an infernal demon is meant here by donn, which literally means ‘a dark one’. ‘Dark’ (teimen) is also used to describe a blackbird, which is mentioned in the final quatrain:

It is the dusky ousel that laughs

a greeting to all the faithful:

My speech, my shape are spectral –

hush, woman, do not speak to me!.

Initially, I took this description as another reference to the dark tormentor of the soul, for lon can also signify ‘demon’. A dangerous demon, laughing at dead people would supply a nice parallel with the terrifying Morrígain, laughing at living people.

I have, however, come to a different conclusion. Lon means ‘demon’ in two texts only, and then it is always part of a compound, as lon craís. This demon of gluttony is found in the Middle Irish Aislinge Meic Conglinne and ‘The Death of King Herod’. Clearly, this is something different from what is portrayed in our poem. The blackbird in this poem seems to represent the biological species. Blackbirds start to sing half an hour before sunrise, which is earlier than the other birds. Its song is, therefore, the messenger of the start of the day. Immediately after its mention, Fothad says that his speech and face are spectral, and―as we all know―when the day begins, phantoms must vanish. The song of the blackbird is melodious and melancholic, but does not resemble laughter. We should, therefore, see the laughter in the poem symbolically, and it could help to combine this laughter with that of the Morrígain. People doomed to go to hell will fear the sound of the blackbird, but the faithful can enjoy it. They are protected from danger, just as those who recite before sleep ‘the psalm for evil encounters’. Neither the terror of the night nor the laughter of the Morrígain nor the dark demon will affect them.

Conclusion

The supernatural beings in Reicne Fothaid Canainne overlap to a certain extent. The terror of the night could represent a nocturnal, frightening female, from Irish or Jewish tradition, and the term might also hint at the Morrígain. The Morrígain threatens the woman on the battlefield; a dark one threatens Fothad as an infernal tormentor. The laughter of the Morrígain is both paralleled by and contrasted with the laughter of the dark blackbird. Diverse details are visible in the imagery of the supernaturals, even though the category ‘demonic’ serves as an umbrella. It could very well be that another demon hovers in the background of this imagery: the Jewish Lilith, seducer of men, killer of babies. Like the Morrígain, she is a nocturnal terror, she has long hair and she howls. She lives in deserted places, among other demons, birds of prey and wild beasts. In this habitat she is described in the Book of Isaiah. Jerome replaced Lilith by Lamia in his Latin translation of the Bible: ’And demons will meet ass-centaurs and the hairy creature shall cry out, the one to the other. There the Lamia has lain down and found rest for herself.

A gloss on this verse in Vatican Library, Codex Reginae Lat. 215, written in 876 or 877, ascribed to Eriugena, explains Lamia as ‘the Morrígain’: Lamia is a monster in the form of a woman, that is: a morrígain. Lilith, the terror of the night according to some Jewish thinkers, is thus equated with the Morrígain, who seems to be described as another nocturnal terror in the Old Irish poem Reicne Fothaid Canainne.

Jacqueline Borsje.

Full article: here. 

Gaelic Folklore (27): The Celtic Religion of Gaul During the Iron Age

 

The Celtic Religion of Gaul During the Iron Age

 Though the religion of the Celtic people existed across the continent of Europe it was far from being unified during the Iron Age. Like most ancient religious systems it was based on local cults rather than a universal doctrine, still, there are similarities that present clear connections to a single underlying structure. Being that the ancient Celts neglected to document their rituals and beliefs it is up to other disciplinary means to bring this religion back to life.

 The written material concerning the religion of Gaul is dominated by ancient Graeco-Roman literature and thereby subject to bias. Studying additional methods like archaeology, linguistics, insular Celtic literature, and place-name references can further unveil their beliefs, yet what is known still remains minimal at best. By compiling these various sources this paper seeks to offer a brief insight into the Gaulish religion during the Iron Age, roughly spanning from the ninth century to the end of the first century B.C. In an effort to understand the religion of these people it seems best to examine their beliefs, deities, and aspects of worship.

 1. Beliefs

Although there is not a recorded origin myth for the ancient Celts it is Julius Caesar who provided an insight worthy of note—he stated that the Gauls claimed to be descended from the god of the underworld. This implies that the Celts worshipped their distant ancestors as deities, being that they were descended rather than created. Examining insular literature such as The Book of the Invasions, (Irish, Lebor Gabála Érenn), further confirms that the Celtic tradition was to consider their gods as their ancestors. This could explain why many of the Gaulish deities are depicted as humans, typically with animalistic features, during the Iron Age.

 The Gauls entrusted much of their religious beliefs to the Druids. It is Caesar again who first mentioned them, though it is likely his source came from a Greek named Poseidonios who lived in the second century B.C. Caesar noted, “The druids are involved in matters of religion. They manage public and private sacrifices and interpret religious customs and ceremonies.” The Druids were involved in all religious affairs, however, they did not exclusively perform priestly functions. There is literary implication that other classes partook in religious practices, such as the gutuatri, (speakers to the gods), and the Vates, whom Pliny said were interpreters of sacrifice. It is certainly possible that all these distinct groups mentioned by classical sources could simply be sub-divisions of the Druidic class. Principally speaking, the Druids were the predominant authority within the Gaulish ideology/religion.

 Classical literature towards the end of the Iron Age indicates the Celts of Gaul held the belief that the soul was immortal. The Graeco-Roman writers also made it known that this was the doctrine taught by the Druids in Gaul. Diodorus Siculus, a Greek writer who lived during the first century B.C, commented: “We are told, at the funerals of their dead some cast letters upon the pyre which they have written to their deceased kinsman, as if the dead would be able to read these letters.” Again, this belief remained persistent in later insular literature, particularly throughout the recorded Irish myths.

 In addition to the belief in an immortal soul, there is strong evidence that the Celts considered the soul to reside in the head. There are multiple passages by classical writers, notably Diodorus and Livy, which illustrate Celtic warriors decapitating heads of their slain enemies so that they may “retain and control” their power. Once more there is indication in later Celtic literature reaffirming this concept, once such case being the Welsh myth Mabinogi. Collections of skulls have been found in rivers considered sacred to the Celtic people in various locations, presumably as votive offerings. Their belief of the soul lying in the head could explain why human skulls were presumably venerated with such a high degree and at times used as religious offerings.

 It seems evident that the Gauls, as well as the Celts at large, held the belief in life after death. When commenting on the Gaulish afterlife classical sources often refer to what is called the ‘Otherworld’—the world of the dead. The rhetoric seems to imply that when death occurred in one world, birth took place in the other. This makes sense of Caesar stating that Gallic funerals were “full of pomp and splendor,” because an exchange of souls between both worlds was being celebrated. It is interesting to note that insular Celtic literature maintained the existence of the Otherworld. It is traditionally depicted as a mirror-image of this world, though with pleasing exceptions like lack of sickness and aging. Iron Age Celtic graves in Gaul contained stockpiles of worldly goods which were seemingly used in the Otherworld. A burial site at Vix in westcentral France contained a heap of funerary goods for a Celtic woman who lived during the early fifth century B.C. In the grave was a large bronze vessel, gold neck ring, bronze bowls, and many other precious items which make it tempting to recognize a belief in life after death.

 Balance is an essential doctrine of the Celts. Caesar observes, “For they believe that unless one human life is offered for another the power and presence of the immortal gods cannot be propitiated.” This theme of balance is further justified in their belief of an Otherworld, in juxtaposition to this world. The sun and the moon potentially served as another cosmological example backing this ideology. It seems that the Celtic people believed in a mirror-like universe in almost every aspect, which produced divine balance.

 2. Deities

Through classical scholars, place-names references, and Iron Age religious inscriptions it is without doubt that the Iron Age Celts of Gaul were polytheistic. There are over 300 names of Celtic deities mentioned throughout the continent alone, the overwhelming majority being mentioned only once. This probably means that the Celtic pantheon was filled with local gods and goddesses specific to each tribe. However, it is also apparent that certain deities were universally worshipped throughout Gaul.

Often times the deities of the Celtic pantheon were represented accompanied by animals in their religious art. From inscriptions, it is commonly known that their divinities could also be identified with places or features—mountains, streams, rivers, lakes, and tribes. From their Iron Age symbols and images in art, it can be determined that animals were sacred, but not necessarily deities. This is potential evidence that their religion had roots in animism, hence the sanctity of nature and semi-zoomorphic depictions. 

 The deity which appears to have been the most renowned in Gaul was the god called Lugus, Lugh in later Irish myths. Caesar mentioned that the Gauls mostly worshipped the Roman god Mercury, who was thought to have been Lugus by several contemporary scholars. Caesar described him as being the inventor of all the arts, he additionally was the director of paths and journeys. In Irish mythology, he proclaimed himself a smith, warrior, poet, physician, and a sorcerer, (fundamentally, the perfect guy). He certainly was seen as being connected with the arts; amid a great feast he played the harp so eloquently everyone suddenly began to weep. Inscriptions, as well as monuments dedicated to Lugus during the Iron Age, are more abundant than any other Celtic deity. Numerous place-names also indicate the importance that this god once had throughout Gaul: Lyons, Léon, Loudan, and Laon are all cities which are etymologically connected to this deity.

 Another well-known deity of the Gaulish pantheon was Cernunnos, “the horned one.” He was typically represented as having deer antlers with a ram-headed serpent at his side, giving him the title “Lord of the Animals.” Some scholars equate this deity with The Dagda of Irish mythology, though this remains only a theory. His figure is portrayed on the Gundestrup Cauldron, dating back to the second century B.C.24 The manner in which Cernunnos is sitting on the cauldron, similar to that of the Buddha, is thought to represent how the people of Gaul typically sat during this period. Ultimately, the zoomorphic association of Cernunnos demonstrates that animals and nature played a pivotal role in the Gaulish religion, that much is understood.

 Epona, whose name means “divine horse”, was the Gaulish horse goddess. She was seen as both a fertility goddess as well as a war goddess, depending on the type of invocation. Like Cernunnos, this goddess was often given zoomorphic characteristics. There are inscriptions in Latin which date back to the first century B.C referring to animal sacrifices conducted in her honor. Epona’s influence even reached into the Italian peninsula at one point. Gaul’s superior cavalry eventually enticed Rome to adopt Epona into their pantheon.

 The whole of Gaul had various deities that could be identified with each other or performed similar functions. This is evident in recognizing divinities commonly associated with the sun. It seems that the people of Gaul linked the sun with the capacity to heal, this is evident in the names Grannos, Belenos, and Maponos. Grannos, a name that denotes the sun, was seen as the deity connected with thermal springs in both Britain and the continent. Belenos, whose name comes to mean “the shining one”, was a god of health, healing springs, and possibly fire. Both Belenos and Grannos were often names served as epithets with the Roman Apollo, god of the sun and healing, meaning the Romans saw direct resemblance between these deities.

Lastly, the god Maponos, whose name denotes “youth”, was worshipped in Gaul, Britain, and even Dacia. Youth correlated with strength to the ancient Gauls, indirectly connecting it to health and thus the sun.

 Deities that were commonly associated with war have shown to be more tribal than universal. Several examples are found throughout Gaul, including Teutates and Camulos. It was the Roman poet Lucan who first mentioned Teutates around the first century A.D. The root wood of the name, teuta, denoted a tribe or people. This is why he was thought to have been a wargod, or rather, the defender of the ribe/people. His name was also used with the Roman Mars, god of war, in later epithets.

 Another epithet used with Mars by the Romans was Camulos. This deity was well-known, his name is found in votive inscriptions and place-names across the sphere of the Celts. In later Irish mythology, he was thought to have been Cumal, whose name meant “warrior” or “champion”, hence supporting the likelihood of him being a war-divinity.

 The Iron Age deities affiliated with rivers and springs were female for the most part. Two such river goddesses celebrated by the Gauls were Sequana and Matrona. The river Seine in northern France derives its name from the ancient goddess Sequana. Graves and votive offerings found at the source of the river date back to as early as the sixth century B.C.35 The river goddess Matrona is thought to have been the ancient protector of the Marne River in eastern France. Caesar, in his campaigns against the Gauls during the first century B.C, even refered to this river as being called the Matrona. It is indicative from images found depicting these goddesses that they were connected to fertility, probably because these rivers helped to ensure survival for the people of Gaul.

 Deities related to fertility were also predominantly female and in many instances worshipped in triune form. Gaulish fertility goddesses known as the Matres, meaning “Divine Mothers”, were associated with the Earth. They were seen as protectors of women, houses, regions, or anything else in general. Images of the Matres were frequently depicted as a triad, carrying symbols of fertility such as flowers or an infant.  They appear later in recorded insular mythology in altered forms, including the Three Fairies and the Three White Ladies. The number three was an undeniably sacred number to the Celts all over Europe.

 There are, of course, many other notable deities recognized in Gaul which do not fit into these groupings. Ogmios, later Ogma in Ireland, may have been connected to speech and/or language during the Iron Age. Sucellos, whose name likely denotes “he who strikes with power”, was a deity often depicted with a hammer in his hand. Taranis, meaning “thunderer”, was equated with the Roman Jupiter and therefore a Celtic god of the sky/thunder. Finally, a goddess found in Gaul who was equated with Roman Minerva was Belisama, who was at times syndicated with healing springs.

 3. Aspects of Worship

—Places of Worship

The availability of classical sources and archaeology suggest that bodies of water, groves, and temples served as religious sanctuaries for the Iron Age Celts of Gaul. Bodies of water typically included lakes, wells, springs, and rivers, while groves presumably entailed tall trees.

 Classical sources hardly admitted that the Celts were capable of constructing temples, yet recent excavations in France prove they were not only capable but quite proficient. Lakes, wells, springs, and rivers were believed by the Celts to have healing powers, hence why they became sites of worship. Strabo’s comments regarding extensive treasures found in sacred lakes of the Celts are substantiated by archaeology. Excavations have uncovered masses of votive material which the Gauls placed in these bodies of water as sacrifice. One example involves Lake Neuchâtel, where over 3,000 metal objects have been uncovered dating between the third and first centuries. Another example is the source of the Seine River in eastern France, where the goddess Sequana was given an abundance of offerings during the latter half of the Iron Age. These votive offerings found at various bodies of water indicate that rituals were performed by a religious official, perhaps even a Druid.

 Pliny, Lucan, and Tacitus all made reference to oak-groves being places of worship for the Celts. The Gaulish place-name Nemeton denoted the site of a sacred grove, as is evident in words like Drunemeton (Oak Grove). Lucan described the groves of Gaul as possessing tree trunks which were carved to form the images of their gods, which meant that groves were potentially occupied by certain deities. Caesar noted during his conquest of Gaul, “At a certain time of the year they (the druids) sit in judgment in a sacred spot in the territory of the Carnutes, in an area right in the middle of Gaul.” There are theories that this religious hub of Gaul may have been located in a sacred grove, though it remains a supposition.

 Pre-Roman Celtic temples were discovered to exist in Gaul during the latter half of the 20th century. Two such sites, Gournay-sur-Aronde and Ribemont-sur-Ancre, date back to the 3rd century B.C. Both contained inner sanctuaries as well as scores of war trophies like helmets, shields, spears, and even human skulls. The two sites additionally presented evidence of ritualistic animal sacrifice. Presumably, these sacrifices were offerings for the tribal god of war, being that the shrines were within an Iron Age fort (oppidum). Caesar’s observation regarding the Gallic practice of pledging all spoils of battle to the war-god in one location attests to this thinking. Other Gallic temples are found in Mirebeau and Acy-Romace, further confirming that the Celts worshipped in enclosed sanctuaries during this period.

—Religious Ceremonies

Caesar made it known that Druids were given authority over the religious ceremonies for the people of Gaul. Pliny’s comment concerning a  ceremony conducted in Gaul supports this: “ The Druids - that is what they call their magicians - hold nothing more sacred than mistletoe and a tree on which it is growing, provided it is Valonia Oak….Mistletoe is rare and when found, it is gathered with great ceremony, and particularly on the sixth day of the moon….Hailing the moon in a native word that means “healing all things”, they prepare a ritual sacrifice and banquet beneath a tree and bring up two white bulls, whose horns are bound for the first time on this occasion. A priest arrayed in white vestments climbs the tree and with a golden sickle cuts down the mistletoe, which is caught in a white cloak.” Here Pliny exhibited the importance of the lunar cycle to the Gauls. Caesar, too, touched on this aspect, saying the night came first and was followed by the day rather than the reverse.

 The importance of religious ceremonies and the lunar cycle was also found in the Coligny Calendar, found in eastern France. Though dated towards the end of the Iron Age, astronomers have calculated that the calendar must have originally been computed around 1100 B.C. The Gaulish inscription on the bronze tablet covered a duration of five lunar years, which included cosmological elements as well as periods appropriate for certain rituals and events. These religious ceremonies had to be accurate so that they may appease the gods, since matters like the harvest likely depended on it. This explains the precision of the lunar calculations found throughout the calendar.

 The Coligny Calendar additionally refers to bi-annual ceremonies that marked the end of summer and the end of winter. “Samon” is inscribed on the tablet to mean the end of summer and effectively the beginning of the year. There is strong evidence that this is the same seasonal festival as the Irish “Samhain”, indicating it may have been celebrated throughout the Celtic world. Both ceremonies were held at the start of November and show signs of being interconnected with the Otherworld. The end of winter was given the name “Giamon”, and presumably a ceremony heralding the onset of spring was administered for this occasion. The Gaulish Calendar also indicates a festival occurring at the beginning of August, potentially being associated with the harvest. During this period the Council of the Gauls were said to congregate at a certain location. The Roman Emperor Augustus relocated this site to Lyons in 12 B.C, then proceeded to declared himself as the god Lugus. This attempt by Augustus to unify Gaul and Rome signified that the August festival was traditionally presided over by Lugus during the Iron Age. This aggregate celebration was later sustained in Ireland and was also coupled with the god Lugh.

—Offerings

Caesar understood that the Gallic people were well-versed in religious practice. One practice they occasionally carried out was the dedication of offerings to the gods, essentially the sacrifice of wealth. A Gaulish torc found in northeastern France bears an inscription stating it was a gift to the gods. Another privately dedicated offering found in western Gaul comprised a gold torc alongside more than 500 Celtic coins. Individual acts of worship vindicate that the Gauls likely were religious people, as Caesar insinuated.

 The Gauls typically dedicated their spoils from war as offerings to the gods. Caesar remarks, “When they have decided to engage in battle it is to Mars that they will dedicate most of what they may take in the fight.” This statement is supported by the pre-Roman sanctuaries discussed earlier, which housed the scores of war and gifts committed to divinities. Additionally, part of the war trophies found at Gournay were human skulls, which were probably nailed to the entry gate. Skulls have been found belonging to other Gaulish sanctuaries, a few being Roquepartuse, Nages, and Entremont. This does not necessarily stipulate that they were “headhunters”, as classical sources sometimes postulated. More-likely they decapitated the head from the body after death then put it to use as a votive offering.

 The deposition of material goods in bodies of water was probably the most common form of offering to the ancient Gauls. Lakes, rivers, wells, and springs throughout Gaul contain a plethora of offerings dating to the Iron Age. These votive offerings typically comprised of carved wood, but plaques of metal are also found at times. The Gauls held the belief that water had curative powers. Therefore, it seems reasonable to conclude these offerings were given in the hopes that a physical or emotional sickness may be cured.

 —Sacrifices

The religion of pre-Roman Gaul irrefutably included sacrifice in its tenets. Animal sacrifice was repeatedly practiced all over religious sites of Gaul, as is attested by classical literature as well as archaeological finds. Human sacrifice is a different story, however. Classical authors, notably Caesar and Strabo, directly painted the Celts as practitioners of human sacrifice, yet archaeology is less resolute in endorsing this viewpoint. There is an ongoing debate between scholars whether human religious sacrifice persisted in Gaul. At the heart of the dialogue are bodies recovered from bogs in northern Europe during the Iron Age, or rather the interpretation of these bodies.

 Animal sacrifice was a familiar occurrence all over Gaul during the Iron Age. Caesar referenced this, saying they would vow to sacrifice animals captured during war-time. As previously discussed, animal remains were found in ditches at the Celtic temple in Gournay, France, which contained slash marks from metal weaponry. Animals commonly sacrificed included cows, sheep, pigs, horses, dogs, and oxen—virtually all domesticated species. These ceremonial sacrifices look to be ritual rather than habitual, occurring primarily during times involving trouble.

Classical authors tended to associate the practice of human sacrifice with the identity of the Gauls, (and the Celts in general). Caesar and Strabo, both likely using Poseidonios as their source, wrote that immolation was a form of sacrifice for both animals and humans in Gaul. Lucan, too, described the Gauls lighting humans on fire to please the god Taranis. However, if this practice of human sacrifice did exist in Gaul, it is likely it died out by the end of the Iron Age. Pomponius Mela, a Roman Geographer of the 1st century A.D, stated that this tradition had long ended before his time. Moreover, there was no mention of human sacrifice in the later Celtic literature of Ireland.

Bailey Pope, full article here 

Germanic Folklore (7): Old Norse Nicknames.

 

Old Norse Nicknames

 

Abstract

Nicknames, which occur in all cultures and time periods, play an important role in highlighting identity and provide a window into popular culture. The function of nicknames in the Middle Ages is peculiar, however, when men (as in medieval Iceland) would kill for a carelessly dropped word if it was considered to be detrimental to their honor, yet often tolerated the most demeaning nicknames. The quantity of nicknames in Old Norse literature is incomparably rich, and recurring nicknames provide a tool for understanding saga transmission, cultural history, slang, and etymology. The pool of first names was limited in Old Norse society; thus, many people were identified by not only their first names but also their nicknames. Narrative explanations of nicknames in the literature are numerous, and, although most come in the form of a brief anecdote, several examples expand on a character‟s biography and play a role in the shaping the plot. Such explanations of nickname origins are often also found in other sagas and medieval Scandinavian literature. Several categories of nicknames are found in Old Norse literature, such as those describing physical features, mental characteristics, and one‟s deeds or habits (good or bad). An alphabetic list of the nicknames from the compendium of settlers in Iceland called Landnámabók (The Book of Settlements) provides examples of the many types of nicknames and describes them in light of their linguistic origin.

See below for the complete dissertation by P. R. Peterson. 

 

List of Nicknames in Landnámabók

A

1. allrasystir „sister of all‟: Yngvildr allrasystir Hámundardóttir.

2. alskik meaning unknown (possibly Gaelic): Ásólfr alskik Konálsson.

3. Alviðrukappi „champion of Alviðra‟: Þorkell Alviðrukappi Þórðarson. Alviðra is the name of a farm in Dýrafjǫrðr (Westfjords).

4. ánauðgi „the enslaved‟: Ormr ánauðgi Bárðarson.

5. árbót „improvement of the season‟: Álǫf árbót Haraldsdóttir.

6. arnkatla  „eagle kettle‟: Þuríðr arnkatla Helgadóttir.

7. askasmiðr „ship builder‟: Oddbjǫrn askasmiðr.

8. en auðga „the wealthy‟: Arndís en auðga Steinólfsdóttir.

9. auðgi „(the) wealthy‟: Eilífr auðgi Ǫnundarson.

10. enn auðgi  „the wealthy‟: Ásbjǫrn enn auðgi Harðarson.

11. auðkúla „wealth hump, bump of wealth‟: Eyvindr auðkúla.

12. auga „eye‟: Þorgils auga Grímsson. A nickname like this is surely derived from a distinguishing feature of the individual, in particular a deformity or disability (an injured eye, blind in one or both eyes, missing an eye, etc.) that marks the individual out from others. Cf. other single body part nicknames brún „brow‟, háls „neck‟, hǫfði „head‟, kjálki „jaw‟, kné „knee‟, leggr „leg‟, and muðr „mouth‟.

13. aurriði „(brown) trout‟: Ketill aurriði.

14. austmannaskelfir „terror of the Eastmen (Norwegians)‟: Ásgeirr austmannaskelfir

B

15. Barna- „Children-‟: Barna-Þóroddr Ormsson. If the nickname is genuine, it likely implies that he had many children.

16. barnakarl „children‟s man, friend of children‟: „a farmer with many children‟).

17. bast „bast, inner tree fiber‟: Guðmundr bast. The reference of the nickname is unknown, but it may refer to time spent on a ship or metaphorically to imply a “firm” character.

18. beigaldi „the fearsome; the weak, injured, sickly; the coward‟: Þórðr beigaldi á Beigalda.

19. beiskaldi „the harsh, bitter‟: Þorleifr beiskaldi Þorláksson. It is derived from beiskr „bitter, sour‟ and the negative suffix -aldi (cf. the nicknames beigaldi „coward‟, hím-aldi „laggard‟, and leggj-aldi „one with misshapen legs‟).

20. bekkjarbót „pride of the bench; bride‟: Þorbjǫrg bekkjarbót Ásgeirsdóttir.

21. bekkr „bench; brook‟: Óláfr bekkr Karlsson.

22. belgr „(animal) skin; skin bag‟: Óláfr belgr í.

23. berbeinn „barelegged, barefoot‟: Magnús berbeinn Óláfsson Noregskonungr. Cf. the nicknames hvítbeinn „white-legged‟, mjóbeinn „thin-legged‟, þjokkubeinn „thick-legged‟, and ørrabeinn „scar-legged‟.

24. berserkjabani „slayer of berserks‟: Gunnsteinn berserkjabani Bǫlverksson. Like nicknames ending in -kappi „champion‟, it was bestowed honorifically to commemorate a famous deed.

26. beytill „horsetail (plant); horse cock; show-off‟: Ívarr beytill.

27. birtingr „(bright colored) sea trout‟: Steinólfr birtingr.

28. bitra „bitterness‟: Þorbjǫrn bitra

29. bíldr  „bolt; bleeding instrument‟: Þorgrímr bíldr, it might be a type of arrow, originally bildǫr (a blunted, wedged arrow, a bolt).

30. bjarki „little bear‟: Bǫðvarr. In the context of Landnámabók, this legendary figure is only mentioned as one whose ghost attacked a grave robber in his shared grave mound with Hrólfr kraki and his companion Hjalti.

31. bjarnylr „warmth of a bear‟: Óláfr bjarnylr Hávarðsson. A folk belief was that a child born on the hide of a polar bear would receive an immunity from the cold. It is probable that it refers to the man having inherited the spirit or powers of a bear he had killed.

32. bjálfi „pelt‟: Þorkell bjálfi.

33. bjálki „beam, balk‟: Þórðr bjálki. It is akin to bálkr „beam, partition‟ and as a nickname it seems to refer to a lanky physique.

34. bjóðaskalli  „ baldy of Bjóðar; round table baldy; bowl baldy‟: Eiríkr bjóðaskalli Víkinga-Kárason. The connection with a bald, rounded head is not difficult to make.

35. bjóla „small mouth‟ (Gaelic): Helgi bjóla . Cf. the Norse nicknames of Gaelic origin: feilan „little wolf‟, gagarr „dog‟, hnokkan „hillock‟, kamban „little cripple‟, kváran „sandal, shoe‟, lunan „little blackbird‟, and meldún „Máel Dúin (proper name)‟.

36. bláfauskr „black firewood‟: Helgi bláfauskr Hrafnsson. Fauskr is a rotten, dried log used for firewood, and the adj. blár refers to a dark blue (midnight blue) or black color.

37. blákinn „blue cheek‟: Þórunn blákinn Nafar-Helgadóttir. Maybe because she wore some kind of makeup (blár also means „black‟, and could have come from coal or the like) or smashed berries on her face. Alternatively, she may have gotten the nickname from almost drowning or choking. An even more probable explanation is that she was struck on the face and it left her “black and blue.” Cf. the

nicknames hǫggvinkinni „man with a cut cheek‟, loðinkinni „man with hairy cheeks‟, rauðkinn „red cheek‟, and skeiðarkinn „longship cheek‟.

38. bláskeggr „blue beard‟: Bǫrkr bláskeggr Þorkelsson. The first component is the adj. blár „(dark) blue, black‟ and either refers to his complexion or his hair color. Cf. the nicknames breiðskeggr „broad beard‟, gullskeggr „gold beard‟, kolskeggr „coal beard‟, rauðskeggr „red beard‟, and þunnskeggr „thin beard‟.

39. blátǫnn „blue tooth‟: Bjǫrn blátǫnn.  He is probably named after the legendary Danish king Haraldr blátǫnn, but the possibility of him having his own rotten teeth cannot be ruled out.

40. blesi „blaze‟: Þorbjǫrn blesi á Blesastǫðum. A long white strip of hair on a horse‟s forehead, perhaps used to describe a man‟s white nose. Cf. the nickname skerjablesi „skerry blaze‟.

41. enn blindi „the blind‟: Þórarinn enn blindi.

42. blindingatrjóna „horse-fly snout; peg snout‟: Bǫlverkr blindingatrjóna. The nickname, most likely, refers to the physical appearance of the man‟s face, in particular his nose or nose and mouth area.

43. blígr „gazer, starer‟: Þórðr blígr Þorláksson. Cf. the nickname stikublígr „gazing stick‟.

44. Blót- „Sacrifice-, Offering-‟: Blót-Már at Móbergi. It signifies people who are ardent worshippers and sacrificers.

45. Blund- „Slumber-‟: Blund-Ketill Geirsson. One of Ketill blundr‟s three grandsons. It is also used to refer to the grandfather (the original Ketill), who is usually called Ketill blundr „slumber, snooze‟. See blundr.

46. blundr „slumber, snooze‟: Ketill blundr. The blinking. Þorgeirr inherited the nickname from his paternal grandfather Ketill blundr.

47. blǫðruskalli „blister baldy, bladder baldy‟: Bǫðvarr blǫðruskalli.

48. blǫnduhorn „sour whey horn‟: Bárðr blǫnduhorn. From blanda „mixed drink” and horn. Blanda can mean any mixed drink, but usually refers to a mixture of sour whey and water.

49. bogsveigir „bow bender‟: Án bogsveigir.

50. Brand- „Firebrand-; Sword Blade-‟: Brand-Ǫnundr. The nickname probably refers to the most common meaning of brandr, either „a firebrand‟ or „the blade of sword‟. It is also commonly found as a first name Brandr.

51. breiðr „(the) broad‟: Óleifr breiðr Einarsson.

52. breiðskeggr „broad beard‟: Ǫnundr breiðskeggr Úlfarsson. See the nickname bláskeggr „blue beard‟. 53. Brennu- „Burning-‟: Kári Sǫlmundarson, Sviðu-Kári „Singed-‟, Brennu-Kári. He was given the nickname because he was almost burned. It was probably given posthumously as the infamy of the burning grew, like Brennu-Njáll, even though he survived the burning and it could have just as easily been given while Kári lived.

54. brimill „(male) seal‟: Ketill brimill Ǫrnólfsson. Perhaps the nickname refers to Ketill resembling a seal or an incident involving the capture of one, but a metaphorical interpretation cannot be ruled out (as virile as a seal?).

55. Brodd- „Spike-‟: Brodd-Helgi Þorgilsson. The nickname is explained in Þorsteins saga hvíta where it is said to come from attaching a spike to a bull before having it fight another bull, a tricky move that ensures the bull with a spike wins.

56. Brunda- „Sperm-‟: Brunda-Bjálfi. it may be related to the man‟s real or supposed virility.

57. brúðr „bride‟: Einarr brúðr Bjarnason. It  is more likely to be brúðr „bride‟ than bruðr (= brunnr) „well, spring‟. The nickname is probably an insult on Einarr‟s masculinity, but if not, it could refer to an important event in his life (bride-exchange, marriage, etc.).

58. brún „brow‟: Þórunn brún Þorgilsdóttir. Perhaps it signifies a particular feature of one eyebrow or both. See the nickname auga „eye‟.

59. brækir „bleater; troublemaker; skin braker‟: Þorgrímr brækir.

60. buna „bone shaft; clumsy foot; the ungartered‟: Bjǫrn buna Veðrar-Grímsson.

61. bundinfóti „man with a bound foot‟: Þorkell bundinfóti. The nickname is explained in Bárðar saga Snæfellsáss, where his femur was broken in a fight and then bound up. Cf. other nicknames referring to a foot such as burlufótr „clumsy foot‟, bægifótr „burden foot, lame foot‟, and tréfótr „tree foot, wooden leg‟.

62. bunhauss „toil skull‟: Helgi bunhauss Þórólfsson.

63. burlufótr „clumsy foot‟: Ófeigr burlufótr Ívarsson. „Walk noisily and clumsily Cf. other nicknames referring to a foot such as bundinfóti „man with a bound foot‟, bægifótr „burden foot, lame foot‟, and tréfótr „tree foot, wooden leg‟.

64. byrðusmjǫr „butter box, butter crate, butter trough‟: Bjǫrn byrðusmjǫr Hróaldsson. The reference of the nickname is lost to us.

65. bægifótr „burden foot, lame foot‟: Þórólfr bægifótr Bjarnarson. Cf. other nicknames referring to a foot such as bundinfóti „man with a bound foot‟, burlufótr „clumsy foot‟, and tréfótr „tree foot, wooden leg‟.

66. bøggvir „injurer, damager‟: Klaufi bøggvir. He who causes injury, does damage and connected  to the noun bǫggr „harm, injury‟, which has an uncertain origin.

67. bǫllr „ball, globe; glans penis (penis head)‟: Óttarr bǫllr. The word was rarely used in the medieval period to describe a ball used in games (the usual term is knǫttr „ball [used in sports]‟). The nickname is more likely connected to the body part, either a penis head or testicle, than to the generic meaning „ball‟.

D

68. dettiáss „fall beam‟: Ásbjǫrn dettiáss Eyvindarson. The nickname may refer to an incident where Ásbjǫrn heard a large beam about to fall or in the process of falling, not necessarily landing on him; more likely, however, is a connection to an event where he was injured.

69. Digr- „Stout-, Fat-‟: Digr-Ormr Þorgilsson

70. en digra „the stout‟: Þorbjǫrg en digra Óláfsdóttir.

71. enn digri „the stout‟: Bǫrkr enn digri Þorsteinsson.

72. en djúpauðga (-úgða) „the deep minded‟: Auðr en djúpauðga Ketilsdóttir.

73. enn dofni „the dead-legged, paralyzed (in the legs)‟: Þórðr enn dofni Atlason.

74. drápustúfr „piece of a drápa (poem)‟: Þóroddr drápustúfr Arnórsson. He may have gotten the nickname because he composed a poem (Ófeigsvísur) that was not a drápa (with refrains), but instead a flokkr (shorter, without refrains).

75. enn draumspaki „the wise of dreams, the dream interpreter‟: Finni enn draumspaki Þorgeirsson. This nickname refers to his ability to interpret dreams but also to have premonitory dreams.

76. drífa „snowdrift, falling snow, sleet‟: Þórir drífa Óláfsson.

77. Drumb- „Oaf-‟: Drumb-Oddr. The nickname, most likely, has to do with having a large body and slow mind (cf. the expression dumb as a brick). Drumbr is one of the names given to the slave‟s children in the Eddic poem Rígsþula. Cf. the nickname smiðjudrumbr „smithy drum; oaf of the smithy‟.

78. dúfunef „dove nose, pigeon nose‟: Þórir dúfunef. The circumstances behind the nickname are unknown, but one may assume that the name was given literally to insult its bearer‟s nose or is used synecdochically as a pars pro toto. However, the opposite might be the case and the name may have been given out of affection (dúfa is attested in medieval texts as a pet name with the meaning „my little dove‟). Cf. the nicknames flatnefr „flat nose‟, hauknefr „hawk nose‟, hýnefr „fuzz nose‟, kerlingarnef „hag‟s nose‟, krákunef „crow nose‟, nefja „nose‟, rauðnefr „red nose‟, skeiðarnef „longship nose‟, skógarnef „nose of the woods; nose of Skógar‟, and váganef „nose of the bay; nose from Vágar‟.

79. dylla „field sow thistle, sonchus arvensis‟: Þuríðr dylla Gunnlaugsdóttir. The flower on the plant is a bright, golden yellow, so it is not impossible that the nickname refers to Þuríðr‟s appearance. Another possibility is that the nickname is connected to the medicinal use of the plant to reduce inflammatory swelling.

80. dýr „animal; deer‟: Helgi dýr Skefilsson. It is uncertain whether the meaning is „animal‟, or more specifically „deer‟ (which is a common usage when describing animals for hunting).

E

81. eikikrókr „oak hook; oak ship hook; hook from Oakwood‟: Eyvindr eikikrókr. With the addition of krókr „hook‟ perhaps the connection is between a boat made from oak (cf. also f. eikja „small ferry boat‟) and a some sort of fishing hook.

82. enn einhendi „the one-handed‟: Ketill enn einhendi Auðunarson.

83. eldr „fire‟: Eyvindr eldr. The reference of the nickname is obscure, but it most likely refers to an event where he set a fire (or put one out).

84. Elliða- „Ship-‟: Elliða-Grímr Ásgrímsson. The nickname may have  derived the from word ein-liði „(ship) moving alone; fast sailer‟ and suggests that Grímr probably owned such a ship.

85. elliðaskjǫldr „ship‟s shield‟: Álǫf elliðaskjǫldr Ófeigsdóttir. The name means the shields which line the rails of a ship. Possibly, it means „shield of Elliði (proper name of a ship, a farm, or a man‟s name)‟.

86. erra „pugnacity‟: Þórðr erra.

87. eyrarleggr „leg from Eyrr; gravel bank leg‟: Grímr eyrarleggr Gunnsteinsson. It could be a description of stone, or that it might refer to an episode where Grímr found a bone on an eyrr „gravel bank (either on a river or a small tongue of land running into the sea)‟.

88. enn fagri (x3) „the fair, handsome‟: Freysteinn enn fagri á Barðsnesi.

89. farmaðr „traveler, merchant‟: Þórir farmaðr Skeggjason.

90. farserkr „travel shirt‟: Þorkell farserkr. The type of serkr (an animal skin, a cloth shirt, or a tunic?) meant remains uncertain.

91. fasthaldi „(the) tenacious; (the) steadfast‟: Þórólfr fasthaldi á Snæfjǫllum.

92. feilan „little wolf‟ (Gaelic): Óláfr feilan Þorsteinsson.

93. enn fíflski „the foolish, stupid‟: Ketill enn fíflski. The nickname was given to Ketill by heathens because he was Christian.

94. fiskreki „fish driver; fish driver (type of whale)‟.  It is uncertain whether the generic sense of „fisherman‟ is meant or the whale (the exact species is unknown). If it is the type of whale that is meant by the nickname, then, most likely, Ǫrnólfr gained the name from a (successful?) whale hunt.

95. Fitjumskeggi „beard on Fitjar‟: Úlfr Fitjumskeggi Þórisson. Cf. the nicknames Mostrarskeggi „beard of Mostr‟, skeggi „beard‟, and ǫrðigskeggi „man with a harsh beard‟.

96. Fjarska- „Far Distance-‟: Fjarska-Fiðr. The nickname may have come from his ability to communicate even when far away from his companions (such a scenario is imaginable). More likely, however, the nickname refers to the long distance between other people and where Fiðr ~ Finnr lived. From the noun fjarski „far distance, far away‟.

97. flatnefr „flat nose‟: Ketill flatnefr Bjarnarson. It is, most likely, a description of Ketill‟s nose, but it could be used as a pars pro toto and refer to his entire body shape. See the nickname dúfunef „dove nose‟.

98. flosi „fop, dandy, womanizer; careless, loose mouthed person‟: Ásólfr flosi Vémundarson.

99. Flugu- „Fly- (insect); Bait-; Bandit-‟: Flugu-Grímr Snorrason. It is from the noun fluga „fly; lure, bait‟. It is probably related to his occupation working around animals, but it could be similar to the other sense of the word, which is negative and represented by its use in the compound flugumaðr „bandit, assassin, scoundrel‟.

100. flǫskubak „(leather) flask back‟: Þorgeirr flǫskubak Ǫnundarson . Explained in chapter 11 of Grettis saga where the leather flask (a type of bladder for holding liquids), worn or slung over on his back, saves his life from an axe-blow. Cf. the other nicknames whose second component is -bak, lǫngubak „ling back‟ and tǫskubak „pouch back‟.

101. flǫskuskegg „flask beard‟: Þorsteinn flǫskuskegg Ófeigsson. The second component -skegg may be used synecdochically as a pars pro toto (like skeggi „man [with a beard]‟), and flaska would describe the man‟s overall appearance as though he resembles a flask or some kind of drink container. Cf. the nicknames lafskegg „dangling beard‟ and refskegg „fox beard‟.

102. enn fróði (x7) „the learned, knowledgeable‟: Ari enn fróði Þorgilsson.

103. fullspakr „(the) fully wise‟: Þorkell fullspakr í Njarðvík.

104. fylsenni „forehead of a foal‟: Þórarinn fylsenni Þórðarson.

G

105. gagarr „dog‟ (Gaelic): Þorgrímr gagarr Ljótsson. Gagarr only occurs elsewhere as a word for „dog‟ in poetry. See the nickname bjóla „small mouth‟.

106. galti „boar‟: Snæbjǫrn galti Hólmsteinsson. A side form of gǫltr „boar, hog‟. Most likely, the nickname carries a positive connotation, since the boar was a symbol of nobility across the Germanic world (and cf. the god Freyr‟s boar, Gullinbursti).

107. en gamla „the old‟: Steinunn (-uðr) en gamla. The nickname is, most likely, used to differentiate an older relative from a younger one with the same name.

108. enn gamli „the old‟: Ármóðr enn gamli Þorgrímsson ; Bragi skáld enn gamli. In most cases the nickname is used to differentiate an older relative from a younger one with the same name (father and son, grandfather and son, etc.). It is one of the most common Old Norse nicknames.

109. gandr „wand, magic staff‟: Gunnbjǫrn gandr. Disputed etymology. Also occurs in poetry as a heiti for „wolf‟.

110. gasi „fool, one who gazes?‟: Guðmundr gasi Þorsteinsson. The word may be related to Engl. gaze (cf. dialectal Swedish and Norwegian gasa „to gape‟), but it is rare and its etymology uncertain.

111. geit „(female) goat; coward‟: Auðun geit.  Geit is still used in Iceland with the meaning „coward‟ and synonymous with rag-geit „coward‟ because of the incident described in Landnámabók (where Earl Auðun pays an expensive compensation at the point of a spear).

112. geitskǫr ~ geitskór „goat hair; willowherb, fireweed‟: Grímr geitskǫr (-skor, -skór) It seems more likely that the nickname refers to the color of his hair than to a plant (though the plant is rather common in Iceland, Scandinavia, and the British Isles).

113. gellir „bellower‟: Þórðr gellir Óleifsson. The nickname seems to refer to someone who shouted or screamed, perhaps metaphorically (as in a blabbermouth). Cf. the Engl verb yell.

114. gerpir „bold warrior; loud mouth, braggart‟: Bǫðmóðr gerpir Grímsson. It might be related to NNorw. garpa „to brag, be contentious in speech, be loud‟ and Swedish dialectal garpa „babble, brag; shriek (of ducks)‟.

115. gígja „fiddle‟: Mǫrðr gígja Sigmundarson. The nickname may have something to do with his eloquent pleading (as a lawyer) or clear voice.

116. gjallandi  „one who shouts, yeller, man with a resounding voice‟: Þorgils gjallandi. Present participle of the verb gjalla „to scream, shriek, bellow‟

117. glaði „(the) glad‟: Gizurr glaði Kjallaksson í Skoravík. Weak form of adj. glaðr „happy, glad, cheerful‟, but missing the definite article before it.

118. gleðill „cheerful man‟: Gríss gleðill. It is derived from the adj. glaðr „happy, glad, cheerful‟ and -ill „given, prone to something‟, thus „a man prone to being happy‟.

119. Glíru- „Blink-‟: Glíru-Halli Sigurðarson. It is a hyphenated form of a substantivized verb glira „to blink; blinking.

120. glóra „glimmer (of light)‟: Þorbjǫrn glóra. It is related to the verb glóra „gleam, glare (like a cat‟s eyes)‟.

121. glumra „rattler‟: Eysteinn glumra Ívarsson. It is substantivized form of the verb glumra „to rattle, resound, boom‟ and, most likely, refers to the effects of his large physical size. It is also used as a heiti for „(female) troll, ogress‟. Cf. other sound-related nicknames gjallandi „man with a resounding voice‟, glǫmmuðr „(the) crasher‟, hlammandi „the clanging‟, hrungnir „the resounder‟, skálaglamm „scale tinkling‟, snæþrima „snow thunder; snow crashing, din‟, and þrymr „quiet; slow; loud noise, crashing‟.

122. glǫmmuðr „(the) crasher‟: Grímr glǫmmuðr Þorgilsson. It is an adjective derived from the noun glam ~ glamm „noise, din, clash, tinkle (sound of weapons crashing)‟. See the nickname gjallandi „man with a resounding voice‟ and glumra „rattler‟.

123. gneisti „spark‟: Þorleifr gneisti. Perhaps the nickname is a metaphor for battle and the clashing of iron, otherwise it could refer to a radiant appearance.

124. gnúpa „drooper; mountain peak‟: Þórðr gnúpa Oddsson.

125. enn góði „the good‟: Arnórr enn góði Rauðæingr Steinólfsson.  It is a weak form of the adj. góðr „good‟. Arnórr‟s second byname Rauðæingr is a geographic byname meaning „dweller on Rauðá (Red River)‟.

126. goðlauss (x4) „godless‟: Bersi goðlauss Bálkason). The nickname implies that its bearer did not sacrifice to or worship the gods, in some cases probably to suggest that they were awaiting “the true God.” About Helgi and Hallr it says in Landnámabók: Þeir feðgar vildu ekki blóta ok trúðu á mátt sinn (The father and son did not want to make sacrifices and they believed in their own might).

127. gollnir „the ransomed‟: Þorgeirr gollnir Ófeigsson.

128. Graut- „Porridge-‟: Graut-Atli Þórisson.

129. gráfeldarmúli „snout in a gray cloak‟: Grímr gráfeldarmúli. The second component múli „snout, muzzle‟, which is the term usually used to describe the snout of an animal and in reference to a person is at least mildly insulting. Múli is likely used as a pars pro toto, thus, „the man wearing a gray cloak‟. Cf. the nicknames keilismúli „snout from Keilir‟, kornamúli „snout of grain; Korni‟s snout (his son)‟, and vámúli „snout of calamity‟.

130. gráfeldr „gray cloak‟: Haraldr gráfeldr Eiríksson, Noregskonungr. The king‟s nickname is explained in his own saga in Heimskringla, where he receives a gray cloak as a gift from some Icelandic merchants, and thereafter it becomes a symbol of high fashion. Cf. the nickname rauðfeldr „red cloak‟.

131. enn grái „the gray; the malicious‟: Eyjólfr enn grái Þórðarson. The adj. grár „gray‟ rarely is used to describe hair color or appearance, but instead to mark out an individual‟s mental qualities resembling those of a fierce wolf.

132. grettir „grimacer, frowner‟: Ófeigr grettir Einarson. „To frown, make a wry face, grin‟. Grettir is also used in poetry as a heiti for „snake, serpent‟.

133. gríss „pig‟: Guðmundr gríss Ámundason. While gríss is a rather common noun that means either „a young pig‟ or a more generic word for „pig‟, the uncertainty lies in whether the name is meant as a compliment or an insult. If it is a compliment, perhaps it is meant in the same way as adj. grís-efldr „strong as a pig, prodigiously strong‟. Cf. the nickname galti „boar‟.

134. groeningarrjúpa „young ptarmigan (bird); ptarmigan of Groening‟: Þórunn groeningarrjúpa. The meaning of groening is not certain. It is probably related to something newborn or foolish and the modern noun græningi „novice, fool‟(cf. American Engl. greenhorn „inexperienced person, newcomer to a job‟), but may also refer to a place name in Norway. Cf. other nicknames referring to birds: hegri „heron‟, Hrafna- „Ravens-‟, korpr „raven‟, kráka ~ krákr „crow‟, pái „peacock‟, skarfr „cormorant‟, spǫrr „sparrow‟, tittlingr „tit, sparrow‟, and ǫrn „eagle‟.

135. gufa „steam, vapor; laggard; imposing man‟: Ketill gufa Ørlygsson. It probably means „a sluggish person‟, and, although this meaning is modern, it may have existed long ago. The nickname is either from the plain meaning of the noun gufa „mist, steam‟ or from the metaphorical meaning „a slow person, one who moves like a mist‟, thus a „laggard‟.

136. Gull- „Gold-‟: Gull-Þórir Oddsson. The nickname signifies Þórir‟s wealth and means „the one with a lot of gold‟.

137. gullberi „gold bearer‟: Bjǫrn gullberi. It is composed of gull „gold‟ and the substantivized form beri „bearer‟ < bera „to bear, carry‟.

138. gullkárr „golden haired; gold curl‟: Þorkell gullkárr Þórisson.  It is composed of the nouns gull „gold‟ and kárr „curl, lock of hair; curly hair‟. Cf. the nickname þunnkárr „thin curl‟.

139. gullskeggr „gold beard, gold bearded‟: Haraldr gullskeggr. The first component gull „gold‟ may either refer to his appearance (particularly hair color), or, if skeggr is used as a pars pro toto it would refer to his wealth and mean „the beard (= man) with a lot of gold‟. See the nickname bláskeggr „blue beard‟.

140. gylðir „wolf‟: Úlfr gylðir hersir. The noun is used only in poetry as a heiti for „wolf‟. The etymology is uncertain, but it may be connected to the verb gaula „to low, bellow‟. The name is tautological: Úlfr „Wolf‟ and gylðir „wolf‟.

141. Gǫngu- „Walking-‟: Gǫngu-Hrólfr Rǫgnvaldsson. It is the substantivized form of ganga „walking‟ from ganga „to go, walk‟. The nickname is explained in Historia Norwegiae and Haralds saga ins hárfagra where it says that he was too large to ride on horses and therefore had to walk everywhere he went.

H

142. Há- „Tall-; Thole-; Shark-?‟: Há-Snorri Oddsson. It is probably the adj. hár „high, tall‟, but it may be from the nouns hár „thole (for rowing)‟ or hár „shark‟. Less probable but possible is that it is f. há „(horse) hide‟. The meaning of the nickname remains uncertain, but the adj. hár „tall‟ sticks out as a prime candidate (cf. the hyphenated adjectival nicknames Digr-Ormr „Stout-‟ Ormr and Spak-Bǫðvarr „Wise-‟ Bǫðvarr.

143. enn háðsami „the ridiculer, the mocking one‟: Tjǫrvi enn háðsami.

144. hafnarlykill „key of the harbor; key of Hǫfn‟: Hrafn hafnarlykill í Dynskógum. It is composed of the noun hǫfn „harbor; Hǫfn (place name)‟ and lykill „key‟. The meaning behind the nickname is unknown, but it may have to do with Hrafn‟s activities as a viking, perhaps for having blocked entrance into certain harbors or serving as a sort of sheriff of one.

145. Hafr- „Billy Goat-‟: Hafr-Bjǫrn Molda-Gnúpsson. Bjǫrn‟s nickname is explained in Landnámabók as coming about from an event where a billy goat of supernatural origin joins his livestock, and as a result his livestock multiply and he becomes wealthy. Cf. the nicknames Hross- „Horse-‟ and Sel- „Seal-‟.

146. hafrsþjó „billy goat‟s thigh‟: Þórir hafrsþjó Ingimundarson (218, 219, 223). The nickname resembles calling someone “Rump Roast,” and it is probably intended as a sexual insult, since þjó usually refers to the anal region of the animal.

147. haklangr „long chin‟: Þórir haklangr. The nickname is, most likely, synonymous with hǫkulangr „long chin‟, and could mean either „long chin‟ or „tall man with a peculiar chin‟. It also occurs as the first name of one of Hrólfr kraki‟s champions in his saga.

148. hákr „brazen, cheeky, violent man‟: Þorkell hákr Þorgeirsson. The nickname is explained indirectly in Njáls saga: He spared neither in words nor in deeds with whomever he had them. The etymology, however, is unknown and the meaning has been deduced by the explanation of the man‟s character.

149. hálftrǫll „half troll‟: Hallbjǫrn hálftrǫll ór Hrafnistu. Most likely, it refers to having Sami lineage on one side (paternal or maternal), a particularly common feature of those from northern Norway. Cf. Jǫtun-Bjǫrn „Giant-‟ Bjǫrn, whose ancestry is similar, and other nicknames referring to giants svartiþurs „black giant‟, þurs „giant‟, and þursasprengir „destroyer of giants‟.

150. hálmi (x3) „straw‟: Þórðr hálmi. Possibly carrying the meaning „man with straw‟.

151. háls „neck‟: Jǫrundr háls Þórisson. It is unclear which physical feature of the neck is referred to by the nickname, but it is likely that it has something to do with an injury. See the nicknames langháls „long neck‟, leðrháls „leather neck‟, and mosháls „moss neck‟.

152. enn halti (x4) „the lame‟: Eyjólfr enn halti Guðmundarson.

153. enn hamrammi „the shape-shifting; the very strong‟: Vékell enn hamrammi at Mælifelli. Evidently, the nickname refers to a man known for his abilities to shape-shift and become more powerful in battle (like a stereotypical berserkr in the sagas).

154. harðfari „hard traveler‟: Hallvarðr harðfari. The nickname refers to traveling fast and arduously. Both Hallvarðr and his brother, Sigtryggr snarfari „swift traveler‟, ran frequent errands for King Haraldr hárfagri. Cf. also Hlymreksfari „traveler to Limerick (Ireland)‟ and kjǫlfari „keel traveler‟.

155. enn hárfagri „fair hair‟: Haraldr enn hárfagri Hálfdanarson, Noregskonungr. The nickname is explained in his saga in Heimskringla.

156. haugabrjótr „breaker of (grave) mounds‟: Þorsteinn haugabrjótr. The nickname implies that he was a grave robber and probably commemorates a famous find or an encounter with a revenant in one. Cf. the nicknames hornabrjótr „breaker of horns‟ and vǫlubrjótr „vǫlva (prophetess) destroyer‟.

157. hauknefr „hawk nose‟: Þórir hauknefr hersir. See the nickname dúfunef „dove nose‟.

158. hausakljúfr „splitter of skulls‟: Þorfinnr hausakljúfr Torf-Einarsson  The nickname must have referred to his prowess in battle.

159. haustmyrkr „autumn darkness‟: Þórir haustmyrkr Vígbjóðsson. It is unknown what the nickname refers to, but it may be connected to his temperament or moodiness.

160. enn hávi (x5) „the tall‟: Bjǫrn enn hávi. The nickname is also used as a heiti for the god Óðinn, where it is more likely to mean „the high (status)‟ as opposed to „the tall‟ (cf. Hávamál „Sayings of the High One‟).

161. hegri „heron (bird)‟: Hávarðr hegri. Herons are known for their long legs and long necks, so it is conceivable that the nickname refers to his lankiness in terms of height and stature. See the nickname groeningarrjúpa „young ptarmigan‟.

162. heiðarekkja „widow of the heath‟: Þorgerðr heiðarekkja Þorfinnsdóttir. Maybe she got this nickname because she lived on a farm under a heath (in Mýrasýsla, western Iceland). It is possible that ekkja is used in the poetic meaning „young woman, lass‟.

163. heiðmenningr „paid soldier; man on the heath?‟: Þorsteinn heiðmenningr Eysteinsson. A suitable meaning in this compound is unclear.

164. enn heimski „the stupid‟: Hrafn enn heimski. The original meaning of heimskr was „one who stays at home‟ and used to describe those who did not travel from home and, as a result, were unaware of things outside their home (therefore, stupid).

165. enn helgi  „the holy, saintly‟: Játmundr (Eadmundr) enn helgi Englakonungr. In the Christian context, as here, the byname suggests the status of a saint. Helgi also occurs as a first name, but the heathen sense of the word must be meant there.

166. heljarskinn „Hel‟s skin, dark black skin‟: Geirmundr heljarskinn Hjǫrsson; Hámundr heljarskinn Hjǫrsson. The two brothers‟ nickname is explained in Landnámabók and their þáttr as being given to them because their father said he had never seen people with such dark skin before. Hel, the goddess of the underworld in Norse mythology, is black on one side of her head, and one can only wonder whether a birthmark could have been meant.

167. helluflagi „stone slate; slab flake; stone slab cutter?‟: Ketill helluflagi.

168. enn heppni „the lucky‟: Leifr enn heppni Eiríksson. Leifr received his nickname from an event where he found a shipwreck and saved the men and goods.

169. herkja „scraper, one who scraps along noisily?‟: Skúli herkja Gunnólfsson.

170. Hesta- „Horses-‟: Hesta-Gellir prestr. Most likely, it refers to the man having owned many horses. Cf. the nickname Svína- „Pigs-‟.

171. hestageldir „castrator of horses‟: Hlíf hestageldir. It is unclear whether it was meant positively or negatively.

172. hesthǫfði „horse head‟: Þórðr hesthǫfði Snorrason. Like other compounds with -hǫfði, the nickname refers to the shape or appearance of the head and usually in an insulting way (cf. the nicknames loðinhǫfði „hairy head‟ and svínhǫfði „pig head‟). See the nickname hǫfði „head; headland‟.

173. hestr „horse‟: Hallsteinn hestr í Súrnadal. The nickname may refer to his physical appearance or size, or perhaps his speed; one can only wonder what is meant by it, but it is not impossible that it could refer to his penis.

174. hilditǫnn „battle tooth‟: Haraldr hilditǫnn, Danakonungr. It is composed of hildir „battle‟ and tǫnn „tooth‟. His nickname is explained as a result of his prowess in battle in Sögubrot af nokkurum fornkonungum í Dana- ok Svíaveldi, but it is conceivable that the name refers to his protruding yellow teeth, then the first component would represent a generic epithet for „warrior‟.

175. híma „laggard, dawdler‟: Þórir híma.

176. hímaldi „laggard, loafer‟: Erlendr hímaldi Jónsson. It seems to mean the same as the nickname híma „laggard‟ with the addition of the negative suffix -aldi. Cf. the nicknames beigaldi „coward‟, beiskaldi „the bitter‟, and leggjaldi „one with misshapen legs, leggy‟.

177. Hítdoelakappi „champion of the people of Hítardalr‟: Bjǫrn Hítdoelakappi. Hítardalr is the name of the valley and a farm in the valley in Mýrar (western Iceland).

178. hjalti „man with a boss of a sword‟: Eyvindr hjalti Helgason.  It is from the neuter noun hjalt „boss or knob at the end of a sword‟ with the nickname suffix -i, producing the meaning „man with a sword boss‟. Hjalt(i) is a cognate of Engl. hilt, which refers to the entire handle of a sword.

179. hjálmr „helmet‟: Þóroddr hjálmr. The nickname is almost certain to involve martial activity, but the reference is lost.

180. Hjálmun- „Rudder-‟: Hjálmun-Gautr.Gautr supposedly received the nickname because he successfully used the hjálmunvǫlr „tiller of a helm (lever attached to the rudder)‟ as a weapon to ward off a viking attack.

181. hjǫrtr „hart, stag‟: Sigurðr hjǫrtr konungr. The nickname carries a positive connotation, since the hart was a symbol of virility and nobility across the Germanic world (cf. the great hall Heorot in Beowulf). It is also a common first name.

182. hlammandi „the clanging, one who makes heavy sounds‟: Þórir hlammandi. It is the present participle of the verb hlamma „give a dull heavy sound‟, a verb used to describe the sounds of massive, heavy objects and giants. See the nicknames gjallandi „one who shouts‟ and glumra „rattler‟.

183. Hlymreksfari „traveler to Limerick‟: Hrafn Hlymreksfari Oddsson. See the nickname harðfari „hard traveler‟.

184. hnappraz „button ass‟: Hergils hnappraz Þrándarson. The nickname may mean „the ass from Knob- (valley, heath, etc.)‟. Another possibility is that the first component is used metaphorically for the head and the second component as a pars pro toto to mean „ass head‟ (= „man with an unusual ass‟). Still possible, but less likely, is that „ass head‟ is meant literally (which would represent a clear insult, just like Engl. butthead).

185. hnokkan „hillock‟ (Gaelic): Áskell hnokkan.

186. hokinn „(the) bent‟: Hermundr hokinn.

187. holbarki (x2) „hollow throat‟: Þorvaldr holbarki Ásrøðarson. The nickname refers to a speech impediment or difficult speaking or breathing (an injury or a birth defect). Cf. the nickname holmuðr „hollow mouth‟.

188. holkinrazi „man with a crouched ass; ass from the stony field‟: Herjólfr holkinrazi Sigurðarson. Cf. the nickname hokinn „the bent‟.

189. holmuðr „hollow mouth‟: Þorsteinn holmuðr Skaptason. The nickname seems to have referred to a speech impediment.

190. holtaskalli „baldy from Holtar‟: Grímr holtaskalli Þorsteinsson . It is composed of the place name Holtar (unknown exactly where in Iceland) and skalli „bald head‟.

191. horn „horn‟: Hróarr horn Brúnason. It probably refers to an incident with a drinking horn, but the origin of the nickname is unknown.

192. hornabrjótr „breaker of horns‟: Herjólfr hornabrjótr.The reference of the nickname is uncertain. Cf. the nicknames haugabrjótr „breaker of mounds‟ and vǫlubrjótr „vǫlva (prophetess) destroyer‟.

193. hólmasól „sun of the islands‟: Þorbjǫrg hólmasól Helgadóttir. It is derived from her birth on the small island Þórunnarey in the river Eyjafjarðará (in northern Iceland), and the name refers to her beauty and radiant physical appearance (cf. Hildr stjarna „star‟).

194. Hólmgǫngu-  „Duel-‟: Hólmgǫngu-Bersi Véleifsson. The name literally means „holm-going‟ (hólm „islet‟ and the noun ganga „walking, going‟) and comes from the ancient custom of fighting a duel on small islets. The nickname signifies that its bearers fought many duels and won them.

195. Hrafna- „Ravens-‟: Hrafna-Flóki. This Flóki was one of the original discoverers of Iceland who took ravens with him on sea voyages. See the nickname groeningarrjúpa „young ptarmigan‟.

196. hringja „buckle, clasp‟: Þorkatla hringja. . Hringja is the feminine form of the masculine noun hringr „ring‟, and the nickname seems to suggest that Þorkatla would have possessed such a buckle of high value.

197. hringr „ring‟: Haraldr hringr á Hringsstǫðum (lnm 214, 215). FJ (241) claims that it denotes a costly ring, but that it can also mean „sword‟. Lind (157) proposes that it could mean „someone from Ringerike‟ (cf. Lind‟s evidently faulty explanation of hringja „buckle‟). The nickname probably refers to a specific ring of high value, but could also be used generally to denote Haraldr‟s wealth (though hringr is not quite identical with baugr „ring, armlet‟, which could be used as currency). 

198. hrísablundr „slumber from Hrísar‟: Þóroddr hrísablundr. Þóroddr is a grandson of the settler Ketill blundr „slumber, snooze‟, and he inherited his grandfather‟s nickname and lived at the farm Hrísar („Sticks, Brushwoods‟) in Flókadalr (western Iceland). Cf. the nickname blundr.

199. hrísi „brushwood; son begotten in the woods, bastard‟: Sigurðr hrísi Haraldsson.

200. hrogn „roe (fish eggs)‟: Helgi hrogn Ketilsson. The nickname probably refers to Helgi‟s predilection for eating roe (a favorite food?), but could also refer to his ability to catch fish containing them. Cf. other nicknames referring to fish lǫngubak „ling back‟, reyðr „rorqual (whale); Arctic char‟, and upsi „pollock, cod‟.

201. Hross- „Horse-‟: Hross-Bjǫrn Raumsson. The nickname probably means that

Bjǫrn owned many horses, but it could also mean that he had a favorite horse (like Hrafnkell and his horse Freyfaxi). Cf. the nicknames Hafr- „Billy Goat-‟ and Sel- „Seal-‟.

202. hrungnir „the resounder‟: Þorsteinn hrungnir Molda-Gnúpsson. The nickname may be connected to the name of the giant Hrungnir (who stole Þórr‟s hammer in Skáldskaparmál). Typical of giant names, it refers to someone who makes loud noises, and is related to the noun hrang „noise, din‟ and the verb hringja „to ring, chime‟; it is probably also related to an older verb which survives in Swed. runga ~ Dan. runge „to resound‟. See the nicknames gjallandi „man with a resounding voice‟ and glumra „rattler‟.

203. hrúga „heap, pile‟: Eyjólfr hrúga Ingjaldsson. Hrúga is also a heiti for „giantess‟.

204. hryggr „back; backbone, spine‟: Hróaldr hryggr Bjarnarson. The nickname more likely refers to the back generally, in which case it would mean that he had a large back (a positive trait?). If it refers specifically to the spine, then it could signify an injury or deformity. It is unlikely that it has the meaning „bravery‟ (the reverse of Engl. have no spine [„be a coward‟]).

205. enn hugprúði „the stout-hearted, courageous‟: Hjalti enn hugprúði. In the context of Landnámabók, this legendary companion of Bǫðvarr bjarki is only mentioned as one whose ax was robbed out of a grave mound shared with Hrólfr kraki.

206. Hunda- „Dogs-‟: Hunda-Steinarr, jarl á Englandi. The nickname probably refers to Steinarr having possessed many dogs (cf. the nicknames Hafr- „Billy Goat-‟, Hesta- „Horses-‟, and Svína- „Pigs-‟).

207. húslangr „tall man with a house‟: Bjarni húslangr Skegg-Broddason. His nickname is explained in the Skarðsárbók version of Landnámabók only as coming from his building a very large house in Iceland. It could also mean „man who is as tall as a house‟ (an exaggeration?), especially when langr „tall‟ (m.) is taken grammatically.

208. hvalaskúfr „whale tassel‟: Þorleifr hvalaskúfr Ánsson. Perhaps he wore a piece of whale leather or decorated his home with pieces of a whale. Whatever it meant, the reference is lost.

209. hvalmagi „whale belly‟: Bjǫrn hvalmagi Kjallaksson. It could mean that he had a voracious appetite and could eat “as much as a whale.”

210. hvalró „whale rivet, whale clinch (piece used in a tool or a nail)‟: Óttarr hvalró Hróaldsson. It is unclear which meaning ró has in the nickname, but it is not ró „peace, calm‟. The second component, most likely, refers to ró „clinch of a nail‟, a technique used to fasten wood together where the pointed end of a nail is flattened down after being driven through. The tool referred to here for whaling is unknown.

211. enn hvassi „the sharp, keen‟: Arngeirr enn hvassi Þormóðarson. The nickname symbolizes either a strong ability in fighting or perhaps a high degree of intelligence.

212. hvítaský „white clouds‟: Herrøðr hvítaský. It may be used metaphorically to represent a person with white, wool-like hair. The connection to Herrøðr‟s hair is almost certain, but it cannot be ruled out that the name refers to some event on a cloudy day (or something else having to do with the sky or weather).

213. hvítbeinn „white-legged‟: Hálfdan hvítbeinn Óláfsson Upplendingakonungr. In this case the adj. hvítr „white‟ may refer to his skin color, thus, meaning something like „pasty leg‟. See the nickname berbeinn „barelegged, barefoot‟.

214. enn hvíti  „the white‟: Bǫðvarr enn hvíti Þorleifsson. It means light hair or skin color (or both) and it is among the most common nicknames.

215. hyrna „horned animal (ewe?)‟: Ǫrn hyrna konungr Þórisson. It may refer to some physical feature, either a decorative headpiece or a hairstyle. The origin of the nickname is unknown.

216. hýnefr „fuzz nose‟: Arnórr hýnefr. See the nickname dúfunef „dove nose‟.

217. hærukollr „gray hair head‟: Þorgrímr hærukollr Ǫnundarson. Þorgrímr is the grandfather of the famous saga hero Grettir Ásmundarson, in whose saga the nickname is explained to have come about from starting to go gray by age 25. The genetic feature of going gray early was inherited by Þorgrímr‟s son, Ásmundr, who was similarly nicknamed both hærukollr „gray head‟ and hærulangr „tall man with gray hair‟. Cf. the nicknames jafnakollr „clubmoss head‟, skotakollr „Scots‟ head‟, slagakollr „strike head‟, and oeðikollr „hot-head‟.

218. hǫfði „head; headland‟: Þorsteinn hǫfði, hersir á Hǫrðalandi. The nickname, most likely, denotes a peculiar feature of Þorsteinn‟s head, probably size or shape („big head‟ or „round head‟?). The noun hǫfði can also mean „a carved head, ship‟s beak‟ and is therefore not identical with the more common term hǫfuð „head‟ (though the two are akin).

219. hǫggvandi „striker‟: Hrólfr hǫggvandi á Norðmoeri. It is the present participle of the verb hǫggva „to strike, hew‟. See the nickname gjallandi „man with a resounding voice‟.

220. hǫggvinkinni  „man with a cut cheek‟: Þorbergr hǫggvinkinni. See the nickname blákinn „blue cheek‟.

221. hoengr „(male) salmon‟: Ketill hoengr (Hoengr) Þorkelsson. it could have originally meant something like „the hooked one‟ and may have become associated early with „salmon‟ because of the shape of its lower lip which hooks upward. Hoengr (> Hængur) is also found as a first name.

222. Hǫrðakappi „champion of the people of Hordaland (Norway)‟: Hallbjǫrn Hǫrðakappi. Hǫrðar is an ethnic term used to describe people from Hǫrðaland (Hordaland, Norway; cf. the first name Hǫrðr).

I

223. ilbreiðr „man who has a broad sole, flat footed‟: Ketill ilbreiðr Þorbjarnarson.

224. enn illi (x2) „the bad, wicked‟: Þórarinn enn illi.

225. illingr „bad man, scoundrel‟: Atli illingr.

226. illugi (x2) „evil minded‟: Þórðr illugi Eyvindarson.  Illugi also occurs as a personal name.

J

227. jafnakollr „clubmoss head; dye head‟: Óláfr jafnakollr. The nickname is composed of the nouns jafni „clubmoss‟ and kollr „crown of the head, head‟, and the first component is from the plant jafni, a clubmoss commonly used to make dye. As such, jafni could refer to the hair color if not to a resemblance of the hair to the plant. See the nickname hærukollr „gray hair head‟.

228. jarðlangr „tall man with a farm‟: Þorgeirr jarðlangr á Jarðlangsstǫðum.

229. jarlakappi „champion of earls‟: Þorbjǫrn jarlakappi. Þorbjǫrn came to Iceland from the Orkney Islands, so it is assumed that the nickname was earned while in services to the rulers there.

230. járnsíða „iron side‟: Bjǫrn járnsíða Ragnarsson loðbrókar. The legendary figure‟s nickname implies a resistance to damage in battle thanks to iron-like armor on his sides (can it be a supernatural defense?), and it also refers to battle prowess more generally. Cf. the Anglo-Saxon king Eadmund Irensid (Ironside) and the Norse nickname reyðarsíða „rorqual side‟.

231. Jǫtun- „Giant-‟: Jǫtun-Bjǫrn. The nickname is mythologically-based, it likely implies that Bjǫrn comes from a place outside the familiar Norse world, in particular where “Finns” live. See the nickname hálftrǫll „half troll‟.

K

232. kaldmunnr „cold mouth‟: Oddr kaldmunnr. Most likely, the nickname refers to a negative way of speaking, even evil speech.

233. kamban „little cripple‟ (Gaelic): Grímr kamban. Whether the name is Gaelic or Norse is questionable, as Grímr was the first settler of the Faroe Islands (and also a great-grandfather of an Icelandic settler), and the myth of Faroese national origin is on the line. The nickname is likely from OIr cammán, a diminutive of camm „bent, crooked‟. The nickname would then mean „the little bent one, little cripple‟ (cf. the Norse nickname of Gaelic origin, feilan „little wolf‟). The same camm is found in the family name Camp-bell, which originates in Gaelic camm-bél „crooked mouth‟. As a personal name, Cammán appears in the Annals of Ulster under the year 960 as the name of a Celtic-Norse Viking. See the nickname bjóla „small mouth‟.

234. Kampa- „Whiskers-‟: Kampa-Grímr. It may be the genitive singular of the weak form kampi „beard, whiskers, moustache‟, which existed alongside kampr „whiskers, beard, moustache‟, a word used to describe whiskers on not only humans but also seals, cats, and other animals.

235. kampi „man with whiskers, man with a moustache‟: Þorgrímr kampi Ǫzurarson. Kampi is, most likely, a nickname form of kampr „moustache‟, meaning „man with whiskers‟.

236. kappi  „champion‟: Ketill kappi Þorbjarnarson. Kappi is a generic byname, and it is connected to prowess in fighting.

237. karlhǫfði „carved man‟s head; man‟s head‟: Þórólfr karlhǫfði Nafar-Helgason. The nickname may refer to a wooden effigy of Þórólfr‟s head, or just as likely one made by him or used by him on his ship. Karlhǫfði is also the name of a ship with a man‟s head carved on the prow in Landnámabók. Alternatively, -hǫfði may be used as a pars pro toto here and would be tautological („man-man‟), thus, synonymous with the first component karl „man; old man‟. See the nickname hǫfði „head; headland‟.

238. karlsefni „a real man, one made of the material of a (capable) man‟: Þorfinnr karlsefni Þórðarson. It is composed of the nouns karl „man‟ and efni „stuff, material‟ and surely meant in a metaphorical sense „the stuff out of which a (capable) man is made‟. Þorfinnr was one of those who led an expedition into North America for the purpose of settling there, trailing in the tracks of his brother-in-law Leifr Eiríksson. 239. karpi „braggart, boaster‟: Eyvindr karpi at Forsi.

240. katla „kettle, cauldron‟: Þorbjǫrg katla Helgadóttir. Katla is the female equivalent of the common noun ketill „kettle, cauldron‟ and the first name Ketill. It is also found as a personal name on its own, as the name of an Icelandic volcano, and in compound names like Þor-katla, Áskatla, and Hall-katla. One can only wonder whether a sexual meaning may have existed (hot pot = hot vagina?). Cf. the curious nickname arnkatla „female kettle‟, which is, most likely, a first name used erroneously.

241. keiliselgr „elk from Keilir‟: Ǫzurr keiliselgr Hrollaugsson. The most probable meaning is „elk from Keilir‟, but the difficulty lies in determining if the known mountain Keilir is meant (since it was likely never inhabitated), or if it refers to another place that once bore the same name.

242. keilismúli „wedge mouth; mouth from Keilir‟: Þórir keilismúli Bǫðólfsson. Múli could easily be used as a pars pro toto here, and the nickname would then mean „the snout (= man) from Keilir‟. Just as with the previous nickname keiliselgr „elk from Keilir?‟, the place name Keilir is obscure, unless it refers to the known mountain, which seems unlikely. See the nickname gráfeldarmúli „snout in a gray cloak‟.

243. kengr „metal hook, clamp‟: Þorgeirr kengr Geirrøðarson. Kengr is probably the same as NNorw. kjeng „staple, clamp (in a lock)‟ and related to Dutch kink „twist in a rope‟. It remains unclear whether the nickname refers to the man‟s physique (a more likely possibility) or to an incident involving a metal hook or clamp. Cf. the nickname smjǫrkengr „butter hook‟.

244. kerlingarnef „hag‟s nose‟: Arnórr kerlingarnef Bjarnarson. It could be meant as an insult to describe his nose looking like that of kerling „old woman, hag‟. See the nickname dúfunef „dove nose‟.

245. kimbi, meaning unknown (either Norse or Gaelic): Þorleifr kimbi Þorbrandsson

246. kjálki „jaw, jaw bone‟: Geirsteinn kjálki (lnm 172,173 alternatively Eysteinn). The meaning of the nickname is obvious, but its original reference is lost. Most likely, it refers to an injury to the jaw, perhaps suffered during a fight or battle.

247. kjǫlfari „keel traveler, sailor‟: Ketill kjǫlfari. See the nickname harðfari „hard traveler‟.

248. klaka „chirper, chatterer‟: Þorkell klaka. Both the Hauksbók and Skarðsárbók manuscripts have the oblique form blǫku as well as Blǫkuætt „the family of Blaka‟. Whether it is klaka or blaka, although it seems more probable that klaka is the correct form, the meaning is more or less the same and suggests that he was overly talkative.

249. klakkhǫfði „saddle-peg head, pointed head; lumpy head?‟: Kolbeinn klakkhǫfði Atlason (lnm 99). FJ (193) suggests that the first component is, most likely, klakkr „peg on a saddle (on which packs are hung)‟, which also has the meaning „a pointed rock, cliff‟; another possibility he gives is that it is related to Norw. klakk „lump‟. It is possible, though unlikely, that the nickname refers to a carved head on his boat. See the nickname hǫfði „head; headland‟.

250. klaufi „clumsy person, klutz‟: Þorgeirr klaufi. The noun and nickname was likely formed with the common suffix -i, and originally it would have meant „man with cloven feet‟ who would have resembled hobbling animals, and from there it came to mean „man prone to tripping about, exhibiting clumsy behavior‟. Klaufi is also found as a first name.

251. kleggi „horsefly‟: Þorsteinn kleggi í Húsavík. The noun kleggi is a loan word in northern Engl. cleg „horsefly, gadfly‟ (< ON kleggi). The reference of the nickname is unclear, but it may have the metaphorical meaning „the annoying‟, since the horsefly (or gadfly) is an insect prone to biting and annoying livestock.

252. kleykir „the pincher; man caught in a pinch?‟: Sigmundr kleykir Ǫnundarson.  While the etymology and meaning are uncertain, it is feasible that the nickname meant something along the lines of „one in trouble, in a pinch‟, as „someone being pressed tightly, squeezed, pinched‟ would be.

253. knappi „knob; button‟: Þorgils knappi. It is, most likely, a nickname form of knappr „knob; button‟ with the suffix -i meaning „man with a button‟.

254. knappr „knob; button‟: Þórðr knappr Bjarnarson. The adj. knappr „scanty‟ is a late borrowing from Dan. knap „scanty, scarce‟, and thus, it must be the noun knappr „knob, head (of a pole)‟. Thus, it could be used to describe his head in a jocular way or even be used a sexual pun and refer to his penis (or penis-like appearance?).

255. knarrarbringa „ship chest, big tits‟: Þorbjǫrg knarrarbringa Gilsdóttir. It is composed of the noun knǫrr „merchant ship‟ and bringa „chest‟. The nickname implies either a large build, or, more likely, large breasts. The ship metaphor was inherited from her father, Gils skeiðarnef „longship nose‟.

256. kneif „nippers, pincers, tongs‟: Ásgeirr kneif Óleifsson.

257. kné „knee‟: Eyvindr kné. While the background is lacking, the nickname, most likely, refers to a defective knee (injured or deformed). See the nickname auga „eye‟.

258. knýtir „one who ties knots; crippled; one who makes crippled‟: Erlingr knýtir. The nickname is, most likely, an agentive form of the weak verb knýta „to knot, bind together‟. It is possible, however, to connect it to the second meaning of the verb „become crooked‟ (only used impersonally) and the past participle knýttr „knotted, crippled‟, thus, „one who makes crooked, crippler‟.

259. kolbrún „coal brow‟: Þorbjǫrg kolbrún Glúmsdóttir. Her nickname is explained in Fóstbræðra saga as coming from her ugly appearance and her black hair and eyebrows. Cf. the nicknames brún „brow‟ and tvennumbrúni „double brows‟.

260. Kolbrúnarskáld „Kolbrún‟s poet‟: Þormóðr Kolbrúnarskáld Bersason. He was named after composing poetry about Þorbjǫrg kolbrún „coal brow‟.

261. kólka meaning unknown: Þorbjǫrn kólka. The name is probably related to OIr colg „short sword‟. The origin and meaning of the nickname remain uncertain.

262. kollr „crown of the head, head‟: Þorbjǫrn kollr Valþjófsson. It, most likely, refers to a physical feature that made his head stand out, perhaps from having a large head or a bald one (cf. the specific meaning of kollr „crown, pate‟). Kollr also occurs as a first name. See the similarly plain nickname hǫfði „head‟ as well as hærukollr „gray hair head‟.

263. kolskeggr „coal beard‟: Þorsteinn kolskeggr Herjólfsson. The first component kol „coal‟ is always neuter plural and refers to hair color. Kolskeggr is also a common first name. See the nickname bláskeggr „blue beard‟.

264. kornamúli „snout of grain; Korni‟s snout (son)‟: Þorbergr kornamúli Þorkelsson. Múli means „snout, muzzle‟ and refers to the mouth of a human in a negative way and could easily be used synecdochically as a pars pro toto here to mean „the snout (= man) of grain‟ or „Korni‟s snout (= son)‟.

265. korni „grain; man with grain‟: Þórarinn korni Grímkelsson. It is formed from the common noun n. korn „grain‟ with the nickname suffix -i, most likely giving it the meaning „man with grain‟. While it probably refers to farming, it could be used metaphorically to suggest small size and resembling a small piece of grain.

266. korpr „raven‟: Jón korpr Hrafnsson. The reference of the nickname is unknown, but it could allude to a dark appearance, having a voice or call that resembled the bird, or even from the man having a warlike nature, as suggested by the association of carrion birds and battle in Old Germanic culture. It is also possible that the name was inherited from a connection to his father‟s name Hrafn. See the nickname groeningarrjúpa „young ptarmigan‟.

267. krafla „paw, scratch‟: Þorkell krafla Þorgrímsson. The explanation of the nickname is in Vatnsdoela saga, which explains that Þorkell was found as an infant with a cloth blocking his nose and causing him to suffocate, and that he pawed at his nose.

268. kraki „thin pole‟: Hrólfr kraki, konungr. The nickname is explained as being given to the king by a man named Vǫggr (Wiggo) in Snorri‟s Skáldskaparmál, the king‟s eponymous saga, and Saxo‟s Gesta Danorum. The use of the nickname to describe a lanky physical stature is easy to imagine. Cf. the nicknames stafr „staff, stick‟, stikublígr „stick who gazes, gazing lanky person‟, and stǫng „pole‟.

269. kráka  „crow‟: Úlfr kráka Hreiðarsson. The nickname may have a connection to the dark appearance of crows, but it may have also referred to the dark nature of crows as carrion birds (like ravens) associated with death and battle. Regarding Úlfr, it is possible that he inherited the nickname from his father Kráku-Hreiðarr „Crow-‟ Hreiðarr (an original settler of Iceland), if the variant in Sturlubók is not a mistake. See the nickname groeningarrjúpa „young ptarmigan‟.

270. krákr „crow‟: Þorleifr krákr Holta-Þórisson. Krákr is an uncommon masculine variant of f. kráka „crow‟. It also occurs as a first name.

271. Kráku- „Crow-‟: Kráku-Hreiðarr Ófeigsson.

272. krákunef „crow nose‟: Þórðr krákunef. Nef „beak, nose‟ is possibily used as a pars pro toto meaning „crow man‟, but just as likely it could be referring to a pointed nose resembling a crow‟s beak. See the nickname dúfunef „dove nose‟.

273. en kristna „the Christian‟: Gróa en kristna Geirleifsdóttir. In most cases, the nickname was originally used to mock early Christian converts, but after Christianization it became a celebrated nickname for one‟s Christian ancestors.

274. enn kristni „the Christian‟: Jǫrundr enn kristni Ketilsson í Gǫrðum.  Cf. en kristna „the Christian‟, above. It is the weak form of the adj. kristinn „Christian‟.

275. kroppa „scratch, pick; bump?‟: Gunnólfr kroppa Þórisson í Fagravík. It is, most likely, connected to the verb kroppa „to pick, scratch‟.

276. krókr „hook‟: Þorvaldr krókr Þórisson á Grund; Þórarinn krókr. The nickname probably refers to a lost event involving a hook, in particular one used for fishing.

277. krumr „(the) curved, crooked‟: Þorbjǫrn krumr Gnúpa-Bárðarson. While the meaning is clear, the origin of the word is unknown. From the nickname comes the name of his descendants, Krymlingar.

278. Krǫmu- „Squeeze-‟: Krǫmu-Oddr. The Swedish verb krama „hug, embrace‟ goes back to its original meaning „to squeeze‟ (as in Old Swedish).  While the verb krama is unattested in Old Icelandic, there is a reflexive form kramask „to pine and waste‟, which is related to kremja „to squeeze, press, bruise‟ and the noun krǫm „a pining, wasting sickness‟.

279. kuggi „cog (type of ship)‟: Þorgrímr kuggi Hjálmólfsson.

280. kúla „bump, growth, hump‟: Guðbrandr kúla. It must refer to a physical deformity, but it is unclear whether it refers to a hump on his back in particular. Cf. the nickname auðkúla „wealth bump‟.

281. kváran „sandal, shoe‟ (Gaelic): Óláfr kváran, konungr á Írlandi. The name of the tenth century Norse king of Dublin and Northumbria is also found in Irish sources with a Norse calque of his Irish nickname as OIr Amlaib Inscoa „Ólafr insole‟ < ON inn-skóar „insoles‟. See the nickname bjóla „small mouth‟.

282. Kveld- „Evening-‟: Kveld-Úlfr Brunda-Bjálfason. The explanation of his nickname is in Egils saga, where it explains Úlfr becoming irritable when the evening approached because of his early bedtime and tendency to wake up very early. People talked about Úlfr and said he was mjǫk hamrammr „very strong (as a result of shape-shifting)‟. The origin of his nickname may recall his grumpy behavior in the evenings, but the connection to shape-shifting in his family cannot be ignored. It could then imply that his behavior in the evening was connected to shape-shifting in the manner of a werewolf, and such a connection would not be unfounded considering that his first name Úlfr means „wolf‟.

283. enn kvensami „the amorous‟: Hjǫrleifr enn kvensami Hjǫrsson Hǫrðakonungr. It must refer to his success with women, and it is tempting to translate it as „ladies‟ man‟, to do justice to the sense in which the word should be understood.

284. enn kyrri „the quiet‟: Þorbjǫrn enn kyrri Ófeigsson.

285. kǫgurr „bedspread, blanket‟: Grímr kǫgurr á Brekku.. If the nickname refers to a specific quilt or blanket, it likely means that Grímr had a very fine one.

286. kǫrtr „small; short horn‟: Steinbjǫrn kǫrtr Refsson. From an etymological point of view, the meaning „small horn‟ must have developed after the original one used to describe something small and still developing, but that makes it no easier to determine which meaning is implied here.

287. kǫttr „cat‟: Þórðr kǫttr Þórðarson. The reference of the nickname is unknown, but it may refer to Þórðr having been fond of a pet cat, or perhaps he resembled a cat in appearance (small and slender?) or personality (strong hunting instinct, slyness?). Domesticated cats were brought with the early settlers to Iceland and were used, as they still are in rural areas and many other places in the world, for rodent and pest control.

L

288. lafskegg „dangling beard‟: Ófeigr lafskegg Øxna-Þórisson. The nickname probably implies a long, bushy beard, perhaps one that resembles moss hanging from trees as found in thick, damp woods and forests (Ófeigr lived in Norway, and such places there are not uncommon). Cf. the nicknames flǫskuskegg „flask beard‟ and refskegg „fox beard‟.

289. enn lági (x2) „the low, short‟: Steinólfr enn lági Hrólfsson.

290. lambi „lamb; man with a lamb‟: Eyvindr lambi Berðlu-Kárason. In this case it is probably identical in meaning with the common noun lamb, but it could also mean „man with a lamb‟. The meaning of it when applied to a human is not entirely clear, although the association of young sheep with gentleness may have existed in Old Norse society. Lambi is also found as a first name.

291. langháls „long neck‟: Óláfr langháls Bjarnarson. The meaning of it is probably literal, but the second part could be used as a pars pro toto („neck‟ = „man‟), in which case the meaning of langr would mean „tall‟ (thus, „tall man‟). See the nickname háls „neck‟.

292. langhǫfði „long head‟: Þorgeirr langhǫfði Þorfinnsson. It is possible, though unlikely, that the nickname refers to the head on his boat. It is also possible that it is used as a pars pro toto to mean „a head (= man) who is tall‟. See the nickname hǫfði „head; headland‟.

293. laxakarl „man who fishes for salmon‟: Þorbjǫrn laxakarl. The nickname almost looks like a designator of his occupation and seems to mean „a man who fishes for salmon‟, but it could also refer to „a man who sells salmon‟.

294. leðrháls „leather neck‟: Þórir leðrháls Þorsteinsson. The nickname is explained in Landnámabók where it says he cut a hole in an oxhide to make a cheap piece of armor before a battle in Fitjar, Norway. It is, most likely, meant to ridicule his poverty, but it could denote his quick-wittedness and ability to make the best out of a bad situation. See the nickname háls „neck‟.

295.leggjaldi „the leggy, one with strange legs; builder?‟: Þórðr leggjaldi Molda-Gnúpsson. The difficulty in knowing its meaning is compounded by the fact that the noun leggr „leg‟ is a ja-stem. The suffix -aldi is negative and implies something wrong with the individual (cf. the nicknames beig-aldi „coward‟, beisk-aldi „the bitter‟, and hím-aldi „laggard‟). It also occurs in Rígsþula as the name of one of Þræl‟s sons (like another of his sons, Digr-aldi „the fatty‟), where Leggjaldi builds fences.

296. leggr „leg‟: Þorsteinn leggr Bjarnarson. Most likely, it refers to a flaw of some kind on his leg such as a wound, a scar, a deformity, or something similar. Later, it was adopted as a first name. See the nickname auga „eye‟.

297. leifr „heir, descendant‟: Þorkell leifr enn hávi Þorfinnsson. Most likely it refers to a son who was a “remnant” after his father‟s death. It is probably closely related to the noun f. leif „inheritance, patrimony‟ and could be synonymous with it. Also occurs as a first name Leifr (cf. Leifr inn heppni „the lucky‟) known in compounds across the Germanic world.

298. lína „line (cord or rope)‟: Þórir lína í Breiðvík. While its origin is obscure, it is not difficult to imagine a circumstance involving a rope giving rise to the nickname, like climbing, traveling by boat, leading an animal, etc.

299. enn litli „the small‟: Oddi enn litli á Rangárvöllum.

300. en ljósa „the bright, fair‟: Æsa en ljósa (150). It must have been a positive description of her appearance.

301. loðbrók „hairy breeches, fur pants‟: Ragnarr loðbrók Sigurðarson. The nickname of the legendary Danish king is composed of loð „shag, rough fur‟ and brók „breek, one leg of a pair of pants‟. It is explained in Ragnarr‟s eponymous saga as coming from his strange clothing made cleverly with tar and pitch to protect him in a battle against a serpent. Whether he wore such a pair of furry pants just once or often is unknown. Cf. the nickname snúinbrók „twisted breeches‟.

302. loðinhǫfði „hairy head‟: Ásbjǫrn loðinhǫfði.  See the nickname hǫfði „head; headland‟.

303. loðinkinni „man with hairy cheeks‟: Grímr loðinkinni ór Hrafnistu.  See the nickname blákinn „blue cheek‟.

304. loki „lock; one who locks; the sluggish‟: Þorbjǫrn loki Bǫðmóðsson. It coud be that it is the god Loki‟s name here and is used to denote someone deceitful or crafty. It could be an agentive form of the verb loka „to lock, shut‟, thus, „one who locks or shuts‟, or masculine side-form of the related noun loka „lock, latch‟. It could also be a nickname form of the noun lok „cover, lid; end; weed‟, thus, „the man with a lid; the man at the end; the man with weeds‟.

305. lunan „little blackbird‟ (Gaelic): Þorsteinn lunan. It is probably from Lonán, the diminutive of OIr lon „blackbird‟. The manuscript variants “launan” and “luna” are not helpful. There is no information about Þorsteinn spending time in the British Isles, who is only described briefly in Landnámabók: There was a Norse man and great trader named Þorsteinn lunan. Lunan also appears in the Icelandic place name Lunansholt (named after the settler) and the compound female name Lunan-ey from a 15th century runic inscription found in Bergen (B238). See the nickname bjóla „small mouth‟.

306. lútandi „(the) stooping, bending down‟: Erpr lútandi. See the nickname gjallandi „man with a resounding voice‟.

307. Lǫg- „Law-‟: Lǫg-Skapti Þóroddsson. Skapti was lawspeaker of Iceland and creator of the fifth court (an appeals court), and he was well-known in this role in many of the Íslendingasǫgur. The nickname here almost looks like an occupational description.

308. lǫngubak „ling (fish) back‟: Ljótr lǫngubak. Although the meaning of the compound is clear, the reference of the nickname is unknown. Cf. other nicknames whose second component is also -bak, flǫskubak „flask back‟ and tǫskubak „pouch back‟, and also other nicknames referring to fish hrogn „roe (fish eggs)‟, reyðr „rorqual (whale); Arctic char‟, and upsi „pollock, cod‟.

M

309. enn magri „the lean‟: Helgi enn magri Eyvindarson. Helgi‟s nickname is explained in Landnámabók to have been given to him because his parents found him nearly starved to death after leaving him with bad foster parents in the Hebrides.

310. máni  „moon‟: Þorfiðr máni Áskelsson. The background of the nickname is unknown, and one can only speculate on its meaning as a nickname. Perhaps it is a reference to mythology (where Máni [Moon] and his sister Sól [Sun] are chased around the heavens by wolves), to an appearance resembling the moon (bright or round?), or to an important event that happened at night. Máni also appears as a first name.

311. manvitsbrekka „slope of understanding; paragon of intelligence; breaker of people‟s wits‟: Ástríðr manvitsbrekka Móðólfsdóttir. The nickname could mean „woman of intelligence”.

312. meinfretr „harm-fart‟: Eysteinn meinfretr Álfsson. It is composed of the nouns mein „harm, hurt‟ and fretr „fart‟. Like the legendary Norse king Eysteinn fretr „fart‟ (Lat. Bumbus „fart‟), the nickname commemorates either a particularly embarrassing event involving passing gas or a general habit of it (in this case, it must have been especially noxious or loud).

313. meldún „Máel Dúin‟ (Gaelic personal name): Þorgeirr meldún í Tungufelli. Mæl Dúin is the name of a seventh century Scottish king (of Irish extraction), as well as the protagonist of the tenth century Old Irish tale The Voyage of Máel Dúin. See the nickname bjóla „small mouth‟.

314. miðlungr „middle child; (the) mediocre, average‟: Þorleifr miðlungr Bǫðvarsson. It is unknown whether Þorleifr was a middle child, and it is also uncertain whether it was meant as an insult or a description of his position in the family. It is also unclear whether the nickname was meant in the other way, that is, as an adjective used to insult his size, character, performance (in battle?), or something else.

315. mikill „(the) great (size/height)‟: Þórðr mikill Ævarsson á Mikilsstǫðum.

316. en mikla „the great (in size and height)‟: Þórdís en mikla.

317. enn mikli „the great (size and height)‟: Hrolleifr enn mikli Arnaldsson.

318. enn mildi „the generous‟: Heðinn enn mildi Þorbjarnarson‟.

319. mjóbeinn „thin-legged‟: Þrándr mjóbeinn. See the nickname berbeinn „barelegged, barefoot‟.

320. en mjóva „the slim, slender‟: Hildr en mjóva Hǫgnadóttir.

321. enn mjóvi „the slim, slender‟: Atli jarl enn mjóvi Hundólfsson.

322. mjǫksiglandi „one who sails much (or often)‟: Steinn mjǫksiglandi Vígbjóðsson. See the nickname gjallandi „man with a resounding voice‟.

323. mosháls „moss neck‟: Þóra mosháls Auðunardóttir. The reference is unclear, but it is possible that the first part alludes to a specific place (cf. the place name Mosfell „moss mountain‟), since the noun mosi „moss‟ can also refer to a mossy area or moorland. See the nickname háls „neck‟.

324. Mostrarskeggi „man with a beard from Mostr (Norway)‟: Þórólfr Mostrarskeggi  Ǫrnólfsson. This is a clear case for a pars pro toto, where skeggi (< skegg „beard‟) means „man with a beard‟, or simply „man‟.  See the nickname Fitjumskeggi „beard on Fitjar‟.

325. muðr „mouth‟: Ǫlvir muðr Vilbaldsson. Muðr is an older variant of munnr „mouth‟. Most likely, a physical feature of the mouth is meant, something which distinguishes it from others (a big mouth, a small mouth, an injured mouth, etc.). It is also possible that a metaphorical intepretation is meant, where his mouth is likened to that of something negative, like Engl. loudmouth, blabbermouth, or the like. See the nickname auga „eye‟.

326. Músa- „Mice-‟: Músa-Bǫlverkr Þórarinsson.  Its original reference is lost, but it may have alluded to him having mice as pets or as unwanted houseguests, or perhaps he was known for hunting them.

N

327. Nafar- „Gimlet- (tool)‟: Nafar-Helgi á Grindli. One can only wonder what event gave rise to the name.

328. nefja „nose‟: Hrólfr nefja. The nickname must signify something peculiar about its bearer, probably a big nose. See the nickname dúfunef „dove nose‟.

O

329. enn óði „the frantic‟: Þorgeirr enn óði Ljótólfsson. Cf. the name of the god Óðinn.

330. enn óargi „the fierce‟: Úlfr enn óargi ór Hrafnistu. The nickname means something like „the not unmanly (= the brave)‟ and seems to be connected with battle prowess.

331. en óborna „the unborn, illegitimate‟: Úlfrún en óborna Játmundardóttir. = „bastard‟ in law codes.

332. ofláti „gaudy person, show-off‟: Þorgeirr ofláti Arnórsson.

333. ógæfa „bad luck, misfortune‟: Þorsteinn ógæfa Helgason. The circumstances behind the nickname are described in Landnámabók, where it says that Þorsteinn killed a Norwegian earl‟s retainer, and the man who took him in, Vébjǫrn Sygnatrausti („champion of the people of Sogn‟), had to sell his possessions and flee to Iceland. It is interesting that the bad luck behind the man‟s nickname affected others more than himself.

334. enn ómálgi „the mute, untalkative‟: Askr enn ómálgi.

335. ór búlkarúmi „from the cargo hold‟: Bǫðmóðr ór búlkarúmi.The reference of the nickname is lost, but it is not inconceivable that it could allude to Bǫðmóðr concealing himself in the cargo in order to avoid capture (he was, after all, a great Viking and very unruly, according to the first chapter of Gull-Þóris saga).

336. ór skut „from the stern‟: Bǫðmóðr ór skut . Cf.  the previous nickname ór búlkarúmi („from the cargo hold‟).

337. orðlokarr „word plane (tool)‟: Vémundr orðlokarr Þórólfsson.Maybe it refers to speaking well, as though he “shaves” and “smooths” his words in a refined way as a craftsman does wood. Another possibility, however, is that it could refer to his speech being used to insult others (“cutting words”). The poetic compounds óðar-lokarr „mind‟s plane‟ and ömun-lokarr „voice‟s plane‟ are both used to refer to „the tongue‟, so that connecting both parts of the compound for use as a nickname was not a stretch for whoever coined it.

338. ormstunga „serpent tongue‟: Gunnlaugr ormstunga enn gamli Hrómundarson. The name denotes someone who speaks in a brash manner, spewing harsh words. In the younger Gunnlaugr‟s eponymous saga, he is introduced as a difficult and ruthless individual who was also a poet.

339. orraskáld „Orri‟s poet‟: Þorgils orraskáld Þorvarðsson. Eysteinn orri was the name of a Norwegian chieftain who died leading an unsuccessful charge at the Battle of Stamford Bridge in 1066. A connection to Eysteinn orri is implausible, however, since Landnámabók says that Þorgils orraskáld was with Óláfr kváran (possibly bearing the nickname orri), a mid-tenth century king of Dublin (945-947 and 952-980) and Northumbria (941-944 and 949-952).

340. óroekja „(the) neglectful, reckless‟: Mǫrðr óroekja,

341. óþveginn „unwashed‟: Ljótr óþveginn. Most likely, the nickname is meant as a literal description, but its reference is lost.

P

342. pái „peacock‟: Óláfr pái Hǫskuldsson. The nickname was probably given to him by his Irish mother. The nickname refers to a handsome, flashy man (as the colorful tail feathers of the bird suggest), but whether it carries a negative undertone is not clear (excessively ornate or flashy?). At the end of chapter 16 of Laxdæla saga, Óláfr receives the nickname from his admiring father Hǫskuldr. The narrative explanation does not rule out the possibility that the name was given to him as a tongue-in-cheek insult. See the nickname groeningarrjúpa „young ptarmigan‟.

343. parrak, meaning unknown: Hildir parrak.

344. enn prúði (x2) „the magnificent, splendid‟: Eilífr enn prúði Kjallaksson.

R

345. enn rakki „the straight, upright; slender‟: Oddr enn rakki Þorviðarson.

346. enn rammi (x7) „the strong, mighty‟: Án enn rammi.

347. ranglátr „(the) unrighteous, unjust‟: Þorsteinn ranglátr Einarsson.

348. Rauða- „Iron Ore-‟: Rauða-Bjǫrn. The brief explanation of the nickname in the Melabók version of Landnámabók: He was the first man to cast iron in Iceland and from this was called Rauða-Bjǫrn.

349. rauðfeldr „red cloak‟: Ánn rauðfeldr Grímsson. The nickname, most likely, refers to wearing such cloaks, but it could just as easily imply trading them. Cf. the nickname gráfeldr „gray cloak‟.

350. enn rauði „the red‟: Ármóðr enn rauði Þorbjarnarson. It refers to hair color, but it could also suggest a ruddy complexion.

351. rauði „(the) red‟: Eiríkr rauði Þorvaldsson.

352. rauðkinn „red cheek‟: Yngvildr rauðkinn Ásgeirsdóttir. It probably refers to her complexion in a positive way and may be connected to blushing. See the nickname blákinn „blue cheek‟.

353. rauðnefr „red nose‟: Þorsteinn rauðnefr Hrólfsson. It is composed of the adj. rauðr „red‟ and nef-r „nose, beak‟ with the nickname suffix -r, used to make the common noun agentive. It is, most likely, used as a pars pro toto with the meaning „nose (= man) with red hair‟, but could be taken literally to describe the appearance of a man with a ruddy nose. See the nickname dúfunef „dove nose‟.

354. rauðr „(the) red‟: Þorgeirr rauðr Einarsson. It more likely refers to hair color, but it could also suggest a ruddy complexion.

355. rauðskeggr „red beard‟: Hrólfr rauðskeggr. See the nickname bláskeggr „blue beard‟.

356. raumr „big, ugly, clownish person; giant (mythological); a person from Romsdal (Norway)‟: Ketill raumr Ormsson,  but in general it is used to describe a big, difficult, and clumsy person. Raumr also occurs as a first name.

357. refr „fox‟: Þórólfr refr Eysteinsson. As a nickname it could refer to his physical appearance (red hair) or be meant metaphorically in reference to having the characteristic trickiness and slyness of a fox. Refr also occurs as a first name.

358. refskegg „fox beard‟: Þórir refskegg. Most likely, refers to the red color of his beard. Cf. the nicknames flǫskuskegg „flask beard‟ and lafskegg „dangling beard‟.

359. reyðarsíða „rorqual side‟: Bjǫrn reyðarsíða. It is composed of the nouns reyðr „rorqual‟ and síða „side‟. Like the nickname járnsíða „iron side‟, it may imply immunity to damage in battle, as though he has the thick, tough hide of a whale. The reference of the nickname, however, is unknown.

360. reyðr „rorqual (whale); Arctic char‟: Þorgeirr reyðr Rauða-Bjarnarson. Reyðr as „a kind of whale, from its reddish colour‟, but also „a kind of trout, salmo alpinus‟ („Arctic char‟). Arctic char are also found with red coloring, so the connection with red color explains the origin of its use for whales and the fish. It is found as the first part of a few place names in Iceland where it refers to the fish: Reyðarvatn „Char Lake‟ and Reyðarmúli „Char Peak‟, but Reyðarfjǫrðr could mean either „Rorqual Fjord‟ or „Char Fjord‟ (more likely the whale than the fish). Cf. other nicknames referring to fish hrogn „roe (fish eggs)‟, lǫngubak „ling back‟, and upsi „pollock, cod‟.

361. enn ríki  „the powerful‟: Elfráðr enn ríki (king of England; Alfred the Great). It is the weak form of the adj. ríkr „powerful, mighty‟.

362. rosti „violent, boisterous person; walrus; brawler; the noisy; rusty, reddish color‟: Þórarinn rosti Há-Snorrason.  If it is indeed a preserved form of rost „rusty thing, reddish color‟, it would then allude to reddish color and may mean something like „the rusty, the red‟.

363. rotinn „rotten‟: Auðun rotinn Þórólfsson. The nickname may have to do with an infected injury that had become putrid, but a metaphorical meaning is possible (rotten mind, rotten behavior?).

364. rugga „rocking cradle; the rocking‟: Rauðr rugga í Naumudal. There is no reason not to take the nickname to be synonymous with the common Old Norse verb rugga „to rock (a cradle)‟ or noun rugga „rocking cradle‟. If it is a substantivized form of the verb, it may well go back to a more general meaning „to rock‟, but if it is the noun, it may allude to an incident involving a cradle (perhaps an unfortunate incident involving bumping his child out of the cradle?).

365. rúmgylta „bed sow, sow sleeping in a bed; grunting sow‟: Þuríðr rúmgylta. Perhaps it refers to sleeping a long time.

S

366. saurr „mud, filth‟: Eyjólfr saurr. As a nickname it is clearly insulting and likely implies that this individual lived in squalor; it could also refer to an unfortunate event like a fall into the mud, but its reference is unknown.

367. Sel- „Seal-‟: Sel-Þórir Grímsson. According to Landnámabók, Þórir‟s nickname comes from an incident while a young child at sea where he was put inside a seal skin to stay warm and received the blessing of a merman (a supernatural encounter).

368. Sela- „Seals-‟: Sela-Kálfr Oddsson. It seems to allude to successful seal hunting, though it could refer to wearing seal pelts. A connection to selkies and seals of the folklore variety is possible, but an explanation of the nickname is lacking. Cf. other genitive plural nicknames referring to animals like Hesta- „Horses-‟ and Svína- „Pigs-‟.

369. sjóni „person with good sight‟: Ǫnundr sjóni Ánason. Sjóni appears to be a nickname form with the suffix -i added to the feminine noun sjón „sight, the ability to see‟. It is not connected to an ability to see the future like the adj. spakr „wise, with the gift of prophetic sight‟.

370. skagi „low headland‟: Þorbjǫrn skagi. The noun skagi refers to a low cape or headland (a ness), in apposition to hǫfði, which represents a high headland. It could just as easily allude to a specific place (cf. the Icelandic place names Skaga-fjǫrðr and Skaga-strǫnd), but where exactly remains a mystery. Cf. the nickname hǫfði „head; headland‟, where the same difficulty in interpretation is met.

371. Skalla- „Bald Head-, Baldy-‟: Skalla-Grímr Kveld-Úlfsson. It is the hyphenated form of skalli „bald head‟, a term which is synonymous with the nickname kollr „crown of the head‟. Grímr‟s went bald at a younger age than others, and it is easy to imagine that the nickname refers to this unusual feature.

372. skalli „bald head, baldy‟: Þormóðr skalli Hǫfða-Þórðarson. As a nickname, skalli is used to denote baldness, but the original reference of it is unknown (cf. Skalla-Grímr, whose premature baldness was strange enough for others to coin the nickname). See the similarly simple nicknames referring to the head like hǫfði „head‟ and kollr „crown of the head, head‟ and compounds with -skalli like bjóðaskalli „ baldy of Bjóðar‟, blǫðruskalli „blister baldy, bladder baldy‟, and holtaskalli „baldy from Holtar‟.

373. skammhǫndungr „short-handed, man with short arms‟: Skeggi skammhǫndungr Gamlason. It probably refers to a physical defect, perhaps a stunted arm, a deformed hand, or an injury. It could also be used metaphorically to describe the inability of its bearer to reach his intended target in battle.

374. skapti „man with a shaft‟: Þormóðr skapti Óleifsson. It is a nickname form of n. skapt „missile, shaft, handle‟ with the suffix -i, giving it a human meaning „man with a shaft‟. Skapti is also a common first name.

375. skarfr „cormorant (bird)‟: Helgi skarfr Geirleifsson. As a nickname, it alludes to the man resembling the bird either in appearance or voice. See the nickname groeningarrjúpa „young ptarmigan‟.

376. enn skarpi „the sharp, keen‟: Hrói enn skarpi.

377. skattkaupandi „tribute exchanger, tax collector‟: Þóroddr skattkaupandi. The nickname is probably sarcastic,see the explanation of the nickname in Eyrbyggja saga. It says there that Þóroddr sold his ship to shipwrecked tax collectors from the Orkney Islands, desperately stranded on an uninhabitated island north of Ireland after collecting tribute in Ireland, but in the sale of the boat he took an unfair share of their tax collections in exchange for the boat and a ride back to the Orkneys.

378. skál „bowl‟: Þórhaddr skál Hafljótsson. The nickname most likely, commemorates an incident at table (breaking a bowl, excessive drinking?).

379. skálaglamm „scale tinkling‟: Einarr skálaglamm Helgason. Einarr received the name because Earl Hákon once presented him with scale-weights, one side laden with gold and the other with silver, giving off a clanging, tinkling sound (the explanation occurs in Jómsvíkinga saga).

 380. Skáld- (x3) „Poet-‟: Skáld-Helgi Þórðarson.  It is unclear whether Skáld- is a nickname or an occupational byname.

381. skáldaspillir „poet spoiler, plagiarist‟: Eyvindr skáldaspillir Finnsson. The name is from Eyvindr‟s lifting of poetic forms and expressions from older poets and that the name was given to him by his opponents.

382. skálpr „scabbard‟: Þórðr skálpr.

383. Skáneyjarskelmir „terror of Skåne‟: Víkingr Skáneyjarskelmir. The nickname refers to the man‟s having raided in Skåne. Cf. the nickname austmannaskelfir „terror of the Norwegians‟.

384. Skegg- „Beard-‟: Skegg-Broddi Víga-Bjarnarson. It is less likely to be used as a pars pro toto than other nicknames involving skegg ~ skeggi ~ skeggr, and therefore it must refer to his beard (which probably had something peculiar about it).

385. skeggi „beard; man with a beard‟: Þórðr skeggi Hrappsson. It is also found as a first name. See the nicknames kampi „whiskers, moustache; man with whiskers, man with a moustache‟ and Fitjumskeggi „beard on Fitjar‟.

386. skegglauss „beardless‟: Ásmundr skegglauss Ófeigsson. It is, most likely, an insult, just as karl inn skegglausi „old beardless man‟is leveled at Njáll in his saga.

387. skeiðarkinn „longship cheek‟: Þorgríma skeiðarkinn Hǫfða-Þórðardóttir. Nicknames with skeiðar- refer to the beaks of swift ships (cf. skeiðarnef „longship nose‟). See the nickname blákinn „blue cheek‟.

388. skeiðarnef „longship nose‟: Gils skeiðarnef. Nef „beak, nose‟ is most likely used as a pars pro toto, and the nickname would then mean „man as large as a longship‟. His daughter Þorbjǫrg knarrarbringa „ship chest‟ seems to have inherited the theme of the nickname (ship and a body part). See the nickname dúfunef „dove nose‟.

389. skeifr „askew, crooked‟: Þorkell skeifr Gufuson. As a nickname, it likely refers to his physical appearance, perhaps a crooked mouth, nose, or other body part. Skeifr also occurs as a first name.

390. skeljamoli „shard of a shell, broken shell, piece of a shell‟: Ormr skeljamoli Hross-Bjarnarson. He may have gotten the first part skelja (from n. skel „shell‟) added to the original nickname moli „piece, bit‟ from an occupation of catching clams.

391. skerjablesi „skerry blaze‟: Ásbjǫrn jarl skerjablesi. It may be that his nickname was blesi „blaze‟, while sker was added to refer to his Viking hangout. It is composed of the genitive singular of sker „skerry‟ and blesi „blaze, white spot on a horse‟s forehead‟, but it is unclear what the first part of the compound means in relation to the second. Cf. the nickname blesi „blaze‟.

392. Skinna- „Furs-, Hides-‟: Skinna-Bjǫrn Skútaðar-Skeggjason. According to Þórðs saga hreðu, Bjǫrn was a trader in the east and brought back animal hides.

393. Skjalda- „Shields-‟: Skjalda-Bjǫrn Herfinnsson. Landnámabók says that Bjǫrn first settled in Iceland in a warship with shields lining the rails. It is the genitive plural of skjǫldr „shield‟.

394. enn skjálgi „the squinting‟: Arnmóðr enn skjálgi Þorkelsson.

395. Skorar- „Gorge-‟: Skorar-Geirr Holta-Þórisson). He is called Þorgeirr skorargeirr „gorge-spear‟ in Njáls saga, which is most likely a play on words with his real name Þor-geirr (hence the name variant here, Skorar-Geirr). The episode behind his nickname is referred to late in the saga (ch. 146), where it says that Þorgeirr killed seven men after rapeling alone into a gorge (ON skor).

396. skotakollr „Scots‟ head‟: Þorkell skotakollr. Most likely, it is composed of the nouns skoti „Scot, Scottish person‟ and kollr „crown of the head, head‟. Þorkell was a third generation Icelander with no known connection to Scotland or Scottish people either in his ancestry or lifetime, so the reference is obscure; perhaps he visited Scotland or had the appearance of a typical Scot. It is unclear how a typical Scot looked, but the nickname may refer to some kind of Celtic hairstyle. See the nickname hærukollr „gray hair head‟.

397. skógarnef „nose of the woods; nose of Skógar‟: Ormr skógarnef. If nef „beak, nose‟ is used as a pars pro toto, the nickname would mean „nose (= man) from the woods, nose from Skógar‟. See the nickname dúfunef „dove nose‟.

398. skólm „gap, open mouth; cross-eyed; thick shell; one with long, hanging eyebrows; short sword‟: Þorgeirr skólm. The meaning of the nickname remains disputed.

399. skrauti „fine garment, ornament; the showy‟: Oddr skrauti. It is a nickname form of the common noun skraut meaning „man with fine clothes‟, metaphorically even to mean „the showy‟. Just like the nickname of Óláfr pái „peacock‟, whether it is used negatively is uncertain and a compliment is possible in both cases.

400. skrofi „chatterer, loudmouth‟: Þorsteinn skrofi Grímsson. Maybe connected to NNorw. skrove „loudmouth‟, skrova „to cough; to brag‟, skryvja ~ skrøyva „cough loudly, but the origin of the nickname remains uncertain.

401. skrǫfuðr „chatterer, loudmouth‟: Þorbjǫrn skrǫfuðr Kjallaksson. While it is possibly synonymous with the nickname skrofi in meaning, the etymon of this adjective seems to be the verb– skrafa „to chatter, talk foolishly‟.

402. skúma  „squint, cross-eyed; shifty-eyed, sneaky-eyed; the dark; one who behaves strangely at dusk‟: Þorbjǫrn skúma Bǫðvarsson. If the nickname is derived from the verb skúma „to get dark‟, then it may refer to a change of mood or behavior around dusk (like the nickname Kveld-Úlfr „Evening-‟ Úlfr). However, it may have nothing to do with darkness or dusk at all, and, if so, it implies that there is something defective about his eyes (cross-eyed, squinting) or at least his behavior with them (looking down, around, or looking around with shifting, sneaky eyes). Most likely, it is derived from a verb skúma, but such a verb is unattested in Old Norse. The meaning is uncertain.

403. Skútaðar- meaning unknown: Skútaðar-Skeggi. While difficult to prove, it may be a derivation of skúta „small ship, cutter, skiff‟ as f. skútað(r), which as a nickname would mean „Skiff-‟ Skeggi, implying that he had such a boat and captained it.

404. skǫkull „cart pole; horse penis‟: Auðun skǫkull Bjarnarson. The more common meaning of the noun „pole connecting a cart to a draft animal, towing bar‟ is probably correct, but the secondary meaning „horse penis‟ is possible. In case it is the latter, one can only wonder if it refers to an incident involving a horse or whether it is used metaphorically about the man‟s “pole.”

405. slagakollr „strike head‟: Ǫzurr slagakollr. The nickname is composed of slaga „to strike‟, which appears as a substantivized form of an old form of slá, functioning here like a present participle  (slag-andi „striking‟) and kollr „crown of the head, head‟. It is unclear if the nickname refers to Ǫzurr being a recipient or deliverer of blows to the head, if the meaning is in fact the same as slá. See the nickname hærukollr „gray hair head‟.

406. Sleitu- „Deceit-, Trick-; Freeloader-; Quarrel-‟: Sleitu-Bjǫrn. In the sense of trickery or deceit as the expressions vinna mál með sleitum „to win a case with trickery‟ and drekka við sleitur „to drink unfairly‟ suggest. In poetry, sleita means „conflict, quarrel‟ (Finnur Jónsson 1931, 518) and such a meaning works well as a nickname. While both names are probably not slétta (despite the manuscript variants), the noun is found as a place name and would make sense as a hyphenated geographical byname.

407. slítandi „tearer, one who tears‟: Þórðr slítandi í Hǫrgárdal. It is the present participle of the verb slíta „to tear, rend, rip‟. The reference of the nickname is unknown, but it may refer to an event involving the tearing of cloth (a tent) or clothing, or possibly it is a reference to battle and abilities as a warrior. See the nickname gjallandi „man with a resounding voice‟.

408. sloekidrengr „lanky lass; weak man‟: Ástríðr sloekidrengr Bragadóttir. It is unsure whether the meaning is „tall, lanky chap‟ or whether it refers to her being manly. But it is also possible that it is intended as a positive epithet („lanky lass‟).

409. sløngvandbaugi „ring slinger‟: Hroerekr sløngvandbaugi Haraldsson. Maybe he received the name to distinguish his generosity from another legendary Danish king (Hroerekr hnǫggvandbaugi „ring hoarder‟).

410. smiðjudrumbr „smithy drum; oaf of the smithy‟: Ketill smiðjudrumbr. The first part of the compound is clear (smiðja „smithy‟), but the difficulty with the second part is whether it means „plank of wood‟ or „fat and clumsy person, oaf‟ (the latter is derived from the original meaning). Cf. the nickname Drumb- „Oaf-‟.

411. smjǫr „butter‟: Þórólfr smjǫr Þorsteinsson. The nickname of this early explorer is explained in Landnámabók as coming from his overly-generous account of the island as a place where butter drips from each blade of grass. It seems to be used metaphorically to imply an exaggerated account, that is one which has been laden with an excessive amount of something tasty and abundant, not unlike the expression in Engl. butter up „charm or beguile with lavish praise‟.

412. smjǫrkengr „butter clamp‟: Þorgeirr smjǫrkengr. The reference of the nickname is lost, but it is feasible that it refers to an incident involving butter or grease on the tool to make it slippery (a trick?). A metaphorical interpretation is also possible if the name could refer to the man being “slippery” in the sense of a trickster evading punishment, or perhaps to the more obvious connection of butter with chubbiness („fat man with a clamp‟?). Cf. the nickname kengr „metal hook, clamp‟.

413. snara „snare, trap‟: Eiríkr snara í Trékyllisvík. Maybe the nickname has to dowith an incident involving a trap (hunting, or capturing a person?).

414. snarfari „quick traveler‟: Sigtryggr snarfari.  Sigtryggr‟s brother is Hallvarðr harðfari „hard traveler‟, and the two were known for running trips on behalf of Haraldr hárfagri. See the nickname harðfari „hard traveler‟.

415. en snarskyggna„the keen-eyed‟: Gróa en snarskyggna. It is the weak feminine form of the adj. snar-skyggn „keen-eyed, keen-seeing‟; skygn denotes second sight in folklore.

416. snepill „flap‟: Þórir snepill Ketilsson. If it refers to the earlobe, it most likely denotes an injury or deformity. Cf. the noun eyrasnepill „earlobe‟.

417. sneypir „snipper, castrator; one who brings dishonor‟: Kolbjǫrn sneypir. it may refer to the act related to at sneypa konu „to dishonor a woman‟.

418. enn snjalli „the valiant, brave‟: Steinn enn snjalli Baugsson í Snjallsteinshǫfða.

419. snúinbrók „twisted breeches‟: Hallgerðr snúinbrók Hǫskuldsdóttir. Perhaps it refers to her pants being worn incorrectly or wrapped in an unusual manner. A woman wearing such a pair of pants was taboo and it was considered cross-dressing in ch. 35 of Laxdoela saga (there about Bróka-Auðr

„Pants-‟ Auðr), a libel which fits Hallgerðr‟s negative treatment in Njáls saga well. The variant in Landnámabók and Njáls saga is langbrók „long pants‟, and in Njáls saga the nickname is explained to refer to her tall stature. Cf. the nickname loðbrók „hairy breeches‟.

420. snæþrima „snow thunder; snow crashing, din‟: Bǫðvarr snæþrima Þorleifsson. The first part may refer to light hair color and the second part is a side form of þruma „clangour, crashing.  See the nicknames glumra „rattler‟ and þrymr „loud noise, crashing; quiet, silent‟.

421. Spak- „Wise-‟: Spak-Bǫðvarr Ǫndóttsson. It is the hyphenated form of the adj. spakr „wise‟, which is connected to prophetic abilities. Usually such adjectival nicknames are found in apposition to the name (for example, Þorgeirr rauðr „the red‟).

422. en spaka „the wise‟: Þuríðr en spaka Snorradóttir. Cf. the nicknames Spak-, above, and enn spaki, below.

423. enn spaki „the wise‟: Bjarni enn spaki Þorsteinsson. (cf. the two previous nicknames).

424. spǫrr „sparrow‟: Þórólfr spǫrr. The reference of the nickname is lost to us, but perhaps it is a physical description of the man as small and rotund or a reference to his voice. See the nickname groeningarrjúpa „young ptarmigan‟.

425. Stafn- „Prow-‟: Grímr ~ Stafngrímr Hranason. He was probably a stafnbúi „forecastle guard on a ship‟. The noun stafn refers to the stem of either the front or the back of a ship (fram-stafn „prow‟ and aptr-stafn „stern‟), although in compounds like stafnbúi and stafnsveit „forecastle men‟, it is clearer that stafn more likely refers to the front of a vessel. The nickname refers to the maritime activities of the man, although it is not certain that it is related to martial activity at sea or escapades as a sailor (a merchant or otherwise).

426. stafr „staff, stick‟: Oddleifr stafr Flókason.  As a nickname it is likely to refer to the walking stick as a comparison to his physical stature (skinny or lanky, like a post). See the nickname kraki „thin pole‟.

427. enn sterki „the strong‟: Bjǫrn enn sterki Kjallaksson.

428. stikublígr „stick who gazes, gazing lanky person‟: Þormóðr stikublígr Steinbjarnarson. The first part is probably used to describe the man‟s stature, and would imply that he is tall and thin (lanky). The second part is a substantivized form of the verb blígja „to stare, gaze‟, meaning „one who stares, gazes‟; cf. the nickname blígr „gazer‟. See the nickname kraki „thin pole‟.

429. stjarna „star‟: Hildr stjarna Þorvaldsdóttir (86). Most likely, it is used to describe her beauty or “radiant” appearance. Cf. the nickname hólmasól „sun of the islands‟, which is also used to describe a female.

430. stórhǫggvi „(the) heavy blow dealer, great slasher‟: Steinbjǫrn enn sterki ok enn stórhǫggvi Ásgeirsson.

431. stoti „the stutterer; the stumbler‟: Auðun stoti Válason. The origin of the nickname is unknown and whether it refers to one who stumbles in speech or in step is uncertain.

432. enn strangi „the strong‟: Þorfinnr enn strangi.

433. strúgr „anger, scorn, animosity‟: Þorbjǫrn strúgr Ævarsson. It seems to be a noun, not an adjective, and it is probably related most closely to Old Swed. strugher „hatred, animosity, ill-will, grudge‟.

434. stǫng „pole‟: Þorbjǫrg stǫng í Stangarholti. See the nickname kraki „thin pole‟.

435. suða „the boiler‟: Þorgeirr suða. The modern form Icel. suða „boiling‟ is derived from the same root sjóð- ~ soð „boiling, seething‟, but it is unclear whether the modern word goes back to the nickname or the same common noun from which the nickname was derived.

436. sundafyllir „inlet filler‟: Þuríðr sundafyllir. The explanation of her nickname is in Landnámabók, where it says that she got the nickname from having filled all the sounds (inlets) with fish using sorcery during a famine.

437. surtr „the black‟: Þorsteinn surtr Hallsteinsson. . The nickname most likely refers to his hair and complexion, just as other color adjectives used as nicknames.

438. súgandi „one who sucks air‟: Hallvarðr súgandi. It is the present participle of the verb súga „to suck‟ and implies that the man was known for blowing out air or breathing it in heavily (perhaps making whistling sounds in his nostrils while breathing through the nose?). See the nickname gjallandi „man with a resounding voice‟.

439. súrr „sour whey‟: Þorbjǫrn súrr. It may refer to the incident described in Gísla saga, where Þorbjǫrn and Gísli successfully avoid being burned alive in their home in Norway by putting out a fire using cloth dipped in súrr „sour whey, sour drink‟. But  it could just as well come from his home area in Norway Súrnadalr (modern Surnadal in western Norway). Súrna is the name of a local river, the connection to the place name is less likely than a reference to the drink súrr.

440. enn svarti „the black‟: Bárðr enn svarti Atlason. It refers to a dark hair color or dark complexion.

441. svartiþurs „black giant‟: Þráinn svartiþurs. Perhaps the name refers to him having a frightening appearance, black hair, and a black beard . See the nickname hálftrǫll „half troll‟.

442. sviðbálki „scorched beam; firebrand, torch‟: Hallgrímr sviðbálki Bárðarson. Perhaps it refers to accidental or purposeful burning inside a house, or it could also mean „firebrand, torch‟ in light of such an event.

443. sviði „the scorcher; burn, pain from a burn‟: Þorgrímr sviði. It is related to the verb sviða „to scorch, burn‟ and can be understood actively „the scorcher‟ or passively „the scorched‟, but it may be identical with sviði „a burn, smarting‟.

444. sviðinhorni „man with a scorched horn‟: Bjǫrn sviðinhorni í Álptafirði. Maybe the first component could mean „disappointed, ashamed, embarrassed‟ as sviden does in NNorw., and that the second component may be synonymous with hornungr „outcast; bastard son‟ or hyrningr „horned man‟ or a masculine form of hyrna „horned animal‟.

445. Svína- „Pigs-‟: Svína-Bǫðvarr Kaunsson.  It most likely refers to his having owned many pigs. Cf. the nickname Hesta- „Horses-‟.

446. svínhǫfði „pig head‟: Sigurðr svínhǫfði. Cf. the nickname hesthǫfði „horse head‟ and see hǫfði „head; headland‟.

447. svǫrfuðr „troublemaker‟: Þorsteinn svǫrfuðr Rauðsson.

448. Sygnakappi „champion of the people of Sogn‟: Vébjǫrn Sygnakappi Végeirsson. The first part is the genitive of Sygnir „people of Sogn (Norway)‟.

449. sælingr „fortunate person‟: Þórarinn sælingr Þórisson.

450. sørkvir „black spear; dark warrior, dark man; quarrelling warrior‟: Eyvindr sørkvir í Blǫndudal . Its origin remains elusive.

T

451. tálkni „whalebone‟: Þorbjǫrn tálkni Bǫðvarsson. While it is uncertain whether it refers to fish gills (or a metaphorical meaning derived from them), it still seems more likely that the nickname refers to a whalebone, perhaps an event involving one (as a weapon?).

452. Tin- „Tin- (metal)‟: Tin-Forni, sonr Æsu í Svíney . It could refer to trading tin goods or a particular event involving a tin object, but the reference is unknown.

453. tinteinn „tin rod, tin spit‟: Þorvaldr tinteinn Eysteinsson.The second part of the compound teinn means „stake, rod, spit‟, and as a compound the meaning is obvious, but the reference of the nickname is unknown.

454. tittlingr „little sparrow‟: Þorsteinn tittlingr. See the nickname groeningarrjúpa „young ptarmigan‟.

455. tjaldstoeðingr „tent pitcher‟: Þorsteinn Ásgrímsson tjaldstoeðingr). The nickname is explained in Landnámabók and his eponymous þáttr as coming from his building tents and trying to help a group of sickly arrivals to Iceland; all of the arrivals died, but Þorsteinn was remembered fondly for taking care of them when no one else would.

456. Torf- „Turf-‟: Torf-Einarr Rǫgnvaldsson. The nickname is explained in Haralds saga ins hárfagra and Orkneyinga saga, and both sagas suggest that it comes from Einarr‟s adopting the custom of burning turf (peat) on the Orkney Islands because of the lack of firewood there.

457. torfi „turf‟: Áskell torfi. Torfi is also found as a first name.

458. trandill „split-stick; small wheel, ring; one who skips and hops along; one who splits things apart‟: Þorkell trandill Þorbjarnarson. If the meaning is „split, separate‟, then it may mean „one who splits things apart‟ (perhaps one who chops wood, or a reference to battle?). The meaning of the nickname remains unclear.

459. trausti „(the) trusty, strong‟: Helgi trausti Óláfsson. Trausti also occurs as a first name.

460. trefill „tatter, rag‟: Þorkell trefill Rauða-Bjarnarson. In Old Norse the word referred to a worn out piece of a cloth, „a tatter or rag‟ (thus, a highly derogatory nickname), but in the modern language it has lost the negative connotations and means „scarf‟.

461. tréfótr „tree foot, wooden leg, peg leg‟: Ǫnundr tréfótr Ófeigsson. Landnámabók explains that Ǫnundr lost his leg in the Battle of Hafrsfjord (Norway) and went on a wooden leg for the rest of his life. Cf. other nicknames referring to a foot such as bundinfóti „man with a bound foot‟, burlufótr „clumsy foot‟, and bægifótr „burden foot, lame foot‟.

462. trumbubein „pipe, tube leg; trumpet leg‟: Þorsteinn trumbubein. t may in some way refer to a crippled leg. The reference of the nickname is unknown, but it seems to suggest that there is a peculiar feature the man‟s leg (resembling a pipe or tube in some manner).

463. enn tryggvi „the trusty, faithful‟: Ingjaldr enn tryggvi Kolbjarnarson í Hvíni. Tryggvi also occurs as a first name (cf. Ólafr Tryggvason‟s father, Tryggvi Ólafsson).

464. túnhani „field rooster‟: Eyvindr (tún)hani í Hanatúni. He lived at a farm called Hanatún and the nickname refers to that. Eyvindr is also called hani „rooster‟, and the farm name Hanatún („Hani‟s field‟) comes from the nickname, so túnhani is a sort of double nickname referring to the farm named after the man‟s original nickname.

465. tvennumbrúni „double brows; unibrow‟: Óláfr tvennumbrúni. It might refer to odd-looking eyebrows, either a strange hair style where his head hair was curled above the eyebrows or a unibrow. One other possibility is that a scar may have split one (or both) of his eyebrows, resulting in the appearance of a double eyebrow.

466. tǫskubak „pouch back‟: Ormr tǫskubak Þórisson. The reason for the nickname is unknown, but it may have referred to a habit of wearing such a pouch on his back, an event involving such a pouch, or from a particular piece of clothing with a pouch or pocket sewn on the back. Cf. the other nicknames whose second component is also -bak, flǫskubak „flask back‟ and lǫngubak „ling back‟.

U

467. enn ungi „the young‟: Eilífr enn ungi Eilífsson. It was likely used to distinguish between two people with the same first name (like Engl. junior).

468. ungi  „(the) young‟: Haraldr ungi Hálfdanarson ens svarta.

469. upsi „pollock, cod (fish)‟: Eiríkr upsi Gnúpsson. It is likely that the name refers to an incident involving such a fish or that he was in the habit of fishing for cod. Cf. other nicknames referring to fish hrogn „roe (fish eggs)‟, lǫngubak „ling back‟, and reyðr „rorqual (whale); Arctic char‟.

V

470. vaggagði „cradle from Agder; rocking person from Agder‟: Þórðr vaggagði.

471. vandræðaskáld „poet of troubles, troublesome poet‟: Hallfreðr vandræðaskáld Óttarsson. It is explained in his eponymous saga and in Ólafs saga Tryggvasonar, where King Ólafr Tryggvason baptizes Hallfreðr and gives him the nickname from Hallfreðr‟s reluctance to be his follower. In Oddr Snorrason‟s version of Ólafs saga Tryggvasonar it is Hallfreðr‟s reluctance to be baptized that earns him the nickname.

472. váganef „nose of the bay; nose from Vágar‟: Þórólfr váganef Hroereksson. The first component vágr means „bay, creek‟, and there are several place names with the plural form Vágar. The second component nef „beak, nose‟ is most likely used as a pars pro toto (thus, „man‟). See the nickname dúfunef „dove nose‟.

473. vámúli „snout of calamity, harm snout‟: Þorgils vámúli Grenjaðarson. Múli „snout (of an animal)‟. Múli is probably used as a pars pro toto, in which case the whole nickname would mean „snout (= man) of harm‟. Just as likely is that the nickname refers to a person whose “snout” (that is, his mouth and the words spoken from it) caused something bad to happen, perhaps from spilling too much information to an enemy or from insulting the wrong person; in either case, violence was likely the result. There is an obvious correlation of -múli here to -mouth as in Engl. loudmouth (one who speaks too much, too loudly, and reveals information one should not). See the nickname gráfeldarmúli „snout in a gray cloak‟.

474. vápni „weapon; man with a weapon‟: Eyvindr vápni Þorsteinsson.

475. Vé- „Temple-‟: Vé-Geirr í Sogni. His (heathen) religious devotion in Landnámabók (hann var blótmaðr mikill [he was a great heathen worshipper]) suggests that it is a hyphenated nickname like Skarp-Heðinn in Njáls saga and not a compound first name. ON vé means „temple, holy place‟ (cf. Go. weihs „holy‟), and it is found in Scandinavian place names like Viborg, Visby, Odense (< Óðins-vé) and first names like Végestr, Vébrandr, etc.

476. veðr „wether, ram‟: Ketill veð. As a nickname it may imply a physical likeness to the animal, perhaps in appearance or sound, but it could also refer to the resembling its behavior.

477. Veðrar- „Wether-, Ram-‟: Veðrar-Grímr. It is the genitive singular of the noun veðr „a castrated ram‟ and may refers to having owned many such animals, or perhaps having a favorite one. Cf. the nicknames Hafr- „Billy Goat-‟, Hesta- „Horses-‟, Hross- „Horse-‟, and Svína- „Pigs-‟.

478. veiðikonungr „hunting king‟: Guðrøðr veiðikonungr Hálfdanarson. The first part is from veiðr „hunting, catch (of animals and fish)‟ and the second part is the generic title of the legendary king.

479. viligísl „lust hostage, sex slave; hostage of good-will‟: Þórólfr viligísl. The most innocent meaning it could have is „a hostage of good-will, favor‟ (suggesting that he was a pleasant hostage to have), but it probably implies that the man was „a hostage of desire, hostage of lust‟, which would represent an insult.

480. vingnir „horse penis; one who swings; killer‟: Þorkell vingnir Skíðason.

481. víðfǫrli „widely traveled‟: Þorvaldr víðfǫrli Koðránsson. Þorvaldr received the name as a result of traveling as far away as southern Europe and the Middle East.

482. vífill „beetle‟: Þorsteinn vífill. The reference of the nickname is unknown, but it may have referred to an event involving a beetle (squashing it?). It is unlikely but possible that it is used metaphorically to refer to his appearance.

483. Víga-  „Killings-‟: Víga-Barði Guðmundarson. It is the genitive plural of víg „fight, battle; homicide‟, and as a hyphenated nickname it could just as easily refer to fights in general and not specifically killings of an unlawful type.

484. Víkinga- „Vikings‟: Víkinga-Kári Sigurðarson. It to implies that he was with other Vikings on an expedition. It is the genitive plural of víkingr „Viking‟ and denotes the man‟s activities as a trader and raider.

485. víss „(the) wise‟: Ǫnundr víss í Eystradal í Skagafirði. It is the strong form of the adj. víss „certain; wise‟; the second sense of the word must be meant here, although the adj. vitr „wise‟ is more commonly used.

486. enn væni „the handsome‟: Hǫskuldr enn væni Þorgeirsson.

487. vǫðvi „muscle‟: Ásbjǫrn vǫðvi Kjallaksson.  „the man with powerful muscles‟.Another possibility is that the nickname refers to an injury (pulled muscle or tear?).

488. vǫlubrjótr „vǫlva destroyer‟: Óláfr vǫlubrjótr Ásgeirsson. The first component vǫlva means „prophetess, seeress‟, which is not the same as „witch‟. The second component is brjótr „breaker‟, an agentive noun derived from the verb brjóta „to break‟. Cf. the nicknames haugabrjótr „breaker of mounds‟ and hornabrjótr „breaker of horns‟.

Þ

489. þegjandi „(the) silent‟: Þórir jarl þegjandi Rǫgnvaldsson.  See the nickname gjallandi „man with a resounding voice‟.

490. þiðrandi „(male) partridge; the hoarse voiced; peering, gazing one?‟: Þórir þiðrandi. A reliable etymology is lacking and the origin and meaning remain unclear. See the nickname gjallandi „man with a resounding voice‟. Þiðrandi is attested as a first name.

491. þistill „thistle‟: Ketill þistill í Þistilfirði. The reference of the nickname is unknown, but it may refer to an event involving the man getting pricked on the plant. A metaphorical interpretation is difficult to imagine, but it could refer to the man appearing in some way like the plant (pointed hair?).

492. þjokkubeinn „thick-legged‟: Þorsteinn þjokkubeinn. See the nickname berbeinn „barelegged, barefoot‟.

493. þjóti „the howling, the whistler‟: Þorbjǫrn þjóti ór Sogni. It is a substantivized form of the verb þjóta „to emit a whistling sound (as the wind, surf, waves); to howl‟.

494. þorskabítr „cod biter‟: Þorsteinn þorskabítr Þórólfsson.  Although the circumstances behind the name are unknown, it is not hard to imagine that it involved an episode involving the man biting into a fish (raw, still living?). Perhaps the nickname is related to fishing, as when a fish bites the line and gets caught on the hook.

495. þrymr „loud noise, crashing; quiet, silent‟: Ketill þrymr Þórisson. The nickname might find its  explanation in Fljótsdæla saga: he was silent and reserved early in the day and was called Þrum-Ketill [„Silent-‟ Ketill]). See the nicknames gjallandi „man with a resounding voice‟ and glumra „rattler‟.

496. þunnkárr „thin curl‟: Auðun þunnkárr. It may refer to a particular curl in the hair or more generally to the hair as a whole (thus, „the thin-haired‟ or „the thin man with curly hair‟). Cf. the nickname gullkárr „golden-haired; gold curl‟.

497. þunnskeggr „thin beard‟: Ófeigr þunnskeggr Kráku-Hreiðarsson. The first component is the adj. þunnr „thin‟, which makes it difficult to know whether the name refers to his beard or his physique. See the nickname bláskeggr „blue beard‟.

498. þurs  „giant‟: Þórir þurs á Þursstǫðum. FJ (299) suggests that the nickname probably refers to him having a frightening, swarthy appearance (black hair and a black beard). See the nickname hálftrǫll „half troll‟.

499. þursasprengir „destroyer of giants‟: Þórir þursasprengir í Øxnadal.

500. þvari „pole, rod, stick‟: Þórðr þvari Þórólfsson. It probably refers to weapon (or a violent act), but the reason behind the nickname is unknown.

501. þyna „ax; thinness; one who makes things thin; withers; abdomen; stretching‟: Þorbjǫrn þyna Hrómundarson. The meaning and origin of the nickname remain unknown.

502. þynning „thin person, scrawny person‟: Þorsteinn þynning Kjallaksson.

503. þǫngull „branch of seaweed, tangle‟: Þorgrímr þǫngull Kjallaksson. In the modern language þöngull and þöngulhöfuð is used to refer to stupid people.

OE

504. oeðikollr „hot-head, impetuous man‟: Ásgeirr oeðikollr Ǫnundarson. The nickname is composed of the nouns oeði „fury, rage‟ and kollr „crown of the head, head‟. The second part may be used as a pars pro toto to mean „the furious man‟. See the nickname hærukollr „gray hair head‟.

Ǫ/Ø

505. ǫlfúss „(the) eager for beer‟: Eiríkr ǫlfúss í Súrnadal.

506. ǫndurr „snow shoe, ski‟: Þorsteinn ǫndurr. The circumstances behind the nickname are obscure, but one can imagine that Þorsteinn may have frequently used his skis to travel or that he had an episode where he used skis to escape danger.

507. ǫngt í brjósti „narrow in the chest (= the asthmatic)‟: Ávaldr ǫngt í brjósti. Nicknames made up of phrases, as opposed to compounds, are rare (cf. Sigurðr ormr í auga „snake in the eye‟).

508. ǫngull „man from Ǫngley (modern Engeløy in Hålogaland, Norway)‟: Loðinn ǫngull.

509. ǫrðigskeggi „harsh beard; man with a harsh beard‟: Eiríkr ǫrðigskeggi.  „Man with a harsh beard‟ („a scratchy beard‟?) or „harsh man‟ (= „a difficult man to deal with‟). See the nickname Fitjumskeggi „beard on Fitjar‟.

510. ǫrn „eagle‟: Eilífr ǫrn Atlason. The circumstances behind the nickname are obscure, but nicknames referring to birds are not uncommon. See the nickname groeningarrjúpa „young ptarmigan‟.

511. ørrabeinn „scar-legged‟: Þorgrímr ørrabeinn Þormóðarson. His nickname is explained briefly in Flóamanna saga: Hafði hann verit víkingr ok víða af því ørróttr (He had been a viking [traveling] far and wide and for this reason he was covered in scars). See the nickname berbeinn „barelegged, barefoot‟.

512. ørrek „arrow driver; one who drives away‟: Þorbrandr ørrek á Þorbrandsstǫðum (otrekur „fear driver?‟). It may mean „bortdrivelse eller bortdriver‟ (driving away or one who drives away) The meaning and origin of the name remain unclear.

513. enn ǫrvi „the generous; the swift‟: Brandr enn ǫrvi Vermundarson; Gautrekr enn ǫrvi; Hafliði enn ǫrvi Hrólfsson.

515. ǫrvǫndr „left handed‟: Þórðr ǫrvǫndr Þorvaldsson. While the etymology is not firm, the literal meaning of the adjective is probably or „arrow‟ and [h]ǫndr „handed‟

516. Øxna- „Oxen-‟: Øxna-Þórir. The nickname is explained only in the Skarðsárbók version of Landnámabók as originating from a generous gift of an island with 70 oxen on it to King Haraldr hárfagri.

517. øxnabroddr „oxen goad‟: Þorsteinn øxnabroddr Oddgeirsson. It is composed of the genitive plural of oxi „ox‟ and broddr „spike‟, which was used primarily for ice shoes (crampons).

 

A Dissertation Submitted To The Faculty Of university Of Minnesota By Paul R. Peterson.  Full PDF: https://conservancy.umn.edu/bitstream/handle/11299/172669/Peterson_umn_0130E_15864.pdf