Celtic Gods of the Iberian Peninsula
There are few iconographic
representations recorded in the Iberian Peninsula that can provide information
about the typology of the different deities and their attributes and
characteristics. North of the Pyrenees, the opposite is true. Since the
theonyms vary from area to area, the artistic representations of the deities
allow us to identify certain gods who may have been known by different names
depending on the specific region as well as making it possible to distinguish
between the deities found in the various territories. Another distinction
exists between the available information on the Hispanic and non-Hispanic
deities due to the fact that the interpretatio occurred more intensely north of
the Pyrenees, where Roman and Celtic gods were explicitly linked on numerous
votive altars.
All of this has allowed us to
establish a primary religious profile of the Celtic deities and a model of the
way that their pantheon functioned. In Hispania, however, the interpretatio
only occurred on a few occasions, mainly involving the Lares and the Genii.
Therefore, it has not been possible to obtain many clues about the relationship
between the indigenous gods and the main deities of the Roman pantheon. This is
also seen in the literary sources, where references by Classical authors to
Hispanic deities are scarce. Despite this, the amount of epigraphic information
on the Hispanic indigenous deities does seem sufficient to provide at least a
profile of the religious pantheon in this region. This is because it is most
likely that the locations where the ex-votos dedicated to each deity were found
can be considered as the original setting of those individual cults, since
major cultural exchanges during the centuries prior to the Roman conquest of
the Iberian Peninsula and during the Roman occupation did not occur. This can
be explained by the fact that extended large-scale movements of native people
within Hispania did not take place, as compared to what occurred in other areas
of Europe, especially near the borders of the Roman Empire. This allows us to
identify the existence of cohesive areas from a cultural point of view and
therefore certain belief systems. Only on this basis is it possible to assign
to each deity its true significance within its socio-cultural context.
In order to identify these cultural
areas by means of the study of votive altars and above all to generate an
outline of the pantheon in this region, it is necessary to formulate a few
solid starting points. In the first place, a rigorous critique of the
inscriptions must be established, eliminating those inscriptions that are not
reliable due to poor condition or unclear texts, or because the inscriptions
were lost before any reliable analysis could be performed on them. Secondly, it
must be established whether the names that appear in the inscriptions are
theonyms or not, since on many occasions the deities were referred to by an
epithet whose theonym is unknown; in this case, a number of different
appellatives could correspond to the same deity. Finally, we believe that to
establish a model of the Iberian religious pantheon it is necessary to focus
mainly on the pan-regional theonyms, that is, those that have been found in
more than one place. In this manner, it will be possible to avoid any localisms
that could lead to a certain deity being given a different name within a
specific community and therefore avoiding any duplication of deities. Once this
multi-disciplinary approach has been implemented it should be possible to
identify the cultural regions where certain groups of gods were worshipped and
from this to create an outline of the pantheon. By applying this methodology we
can avoid simply repeating long established theories and clichés, such as that
that the Hispanic native peoples worshipped countless numbers of deities or
that no organized pantheon existed among them.
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Masculine theonyms of the Lusitani and Callaeci.
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The Celtic Pantheon of Hispania
Based on the approach outlined
above, it can be seen that there are some clear theonymic differences between
the Lusitanian-Galician area and the eastern area of the Spanish Northern
Plateau. Apart from a few finds of the name of the god Lugus, found in the east
and also in the west, the theonyms of the two areas are clearly different. To
begin with, there is evidence that throughout the Lusitanian-Galician area
there are a number of male regional deities (that occasionally are not found in
the same territory): Bandua, Arentius, Quangeius, Reue, Crouga, Salamati,
Lugus, Aernus, Cosus and Cohue and some female deities such as Nabia,
Trebaruna, Munidis, Arentia, Erbina, Toga, Laneana, Ataecina and Lacipaea. To
the east of the Meseta Norte (the Northern Plateau), mainly in the Celtiberian
area, there is evidence of regional male deities, Lugus and Aeius, and two sets
of female deities, Epona and the Matres. Finally, in the northeast of this
region, in the Basque area, two more regional male deities, Larrahi and
Peremusta, as well as one female goddess, Losa, have been recorded.
Nevertheless, we have to be aware that many deities worshipped in these regions
might not have left any epigraphic evidence behind, so that the religious
pantheon could have been far more extensive than the one that can be documented
today.
As predicted, not all of these
deities coincide in the same territories. Therefore, to establish an adjusted
outline of the pantheon, we must locate the areas in which certain groups of gods
were worshipped. In order to do this we need a territory in which the
information is particularly clear, providing us with a general basis for
comparison. This territory is the central-eastern area of Lusitania, covering
approximately the regions of Beira Baixa in Portugal, and northern Extremadura
in Spain. We will examine this area in more detail below.
In the Beira Baixa area, 80% of the
inscriptions that mention male theonyms were strictly dedicated to only four
gods: Bandua, Arentius, Quangeius and Reue. Furthermore, these are the only
gods that are non-local, while the rest are local deities, appellatives without
theonyms, or unclear inscriptions. As for the female deities, the picture does
not vary much, since just five regional goddesses appear: Trebaruna, Arentia,
Munidis, Erbina and Laneana . This pattern largely continues in the area north
of the Tagus River in the Extremadura region, although evidence is found there
in various locations of another female deity, Nabia, though not in any areas coinciding
with territories where evidence for the other goddesses has been found.
Furthermore, the possible appellative Salama also appears, although this is
more probably an allusive appellative of the Jálama mountain found in this
region.
To review: it is in the
Lusitainian-Galician regions that 1) the largest number of indigenous deities
in the whole of the Iberian Peninsula are found, and 2) there is a considerable
amount of reliable evidence indicating that the religious pantheon of this area
compares to that represented by the epigraphic material. In the remaining
Hispanic regions the information is not so clear, because a lot of the
inscriptions found are difficult to read or interpret, and there are many
inscriptions in which the various deities are only cited by an appellative.
Some of the main deities found in
the Beira Baixa region and in the Extremadura, such as Bandua, Reue and Nabia,
also appear in the north of Lusitania, distributed throughout the interior of
Portugal and into the interior of present day Galicia in Spain. Two regional
deities that have been found in this large area do not occur in the region
discussed previously. They are Crouga, in the area around Viseu, and Aernus, in
the Bragança area.
The diffusion of Bandua, Reue and Nabia
throughout the whole of the northern interior area shows a certain cultural
continuity with the central Lusitanian area. However, we must take into
consideration that other deities recorded extensively in the Beira Baixa area
and in Extremadura such as Arentius, Quangeius, Trebaruna and Arentia, are not
found in these northern territories. This shows that certain differences
existed between the pantheons of these two areas, even if the reasons for this
are still unknown. However, these differences seem to be very important, since
there are also linguistic differences between the theonyms Bandua and Nabia in
the inscriptions found to the south and to the north of the Duero River, a fact
that indicates certain cultural differences.
The second region where we can see a
certain cohesion regarding theonyms is the Atlantic coastal area, from the
region of Aveiro in Portugal to Galicia in Spain . This uniformity is firstly
due to the fact that the theonyms found in great numbers in the interior do not
appear here, and secondly because of the large number of dedications to Cosus
found all along the coastal area. This male deity is the only one that has a
regional distribution in this region and it coincides exactly with references
to the goddess Nabia in the area around Bracara Augusta. It is possible that
the existence of only two regional deities in this region is due to the large
number of unidentifiable votive offerings as well as to the existence of other
dedications in which only the appellatives are cited without the respective
theonym. It could also be that the inscriptions are dedicated to the Lares or
Genii accompanied by local native appellatives, as more inscriptions of this
type have been found in this region than anywhere else in the whole of the Iberian
Peninsula. In addition, evidence of Cosus is lacking in the whole of the
interior part of Portugal and Galicia, whereas the god reappears more
frequently in the area of El Bierzo, in the province of León, even if the
reason for this is still unknown.
In the Lugo River basin in Galicia
(the small region that coincides with the northern limit of the area where the
theonyms Bandua, Reue and Nabia appear), two regional deities have been found:
Cohue and Lugus. These deities partially coincide with the Lusitanian ones and
they probably do not form part of the same religious pantheon, given that there
is no evidence for them in the rest of the area where the Lusitanian theonyms
are found.
The final area of western Hispania
where a certain specificity with respect to theonyms can be seen is the area
located to the east of the Beira Baixa and Extremadura regions, corresponds to
the region of the Vettones. The eastern limit of the Lusitanian theonyms
stretches north of the Spanish Sistema Central (Central Mountain System) up to
the modern-day border between Portugal and Spain and to the south of this
mountain range approximately to the area of the town of Capera. From this line
marked by the Lusitanian theonyms eastward the existence of two different
female deities is attested: Toga and Ilurbeda.
In the eastern part of the northern
Meseta of Spain there are significant differences in theonyms found in
comparison with the Lusitanian-Galician area. In this part of Spain three
different regions can be identified. In the first of these, there is evidence
of four regional theonyms: Lug, Aeius, Epona and the Matres. There is also some
evidence of these deities along the Cantabrian and Asturian regions as far as
the Galician region, with the exception of the Vaccean territory. Epona, Lugus
and the Matres have also been recorded in different locations in Gallia and
Germania, indicating that from a religious point of view, the Celtiberian
communities show perhaps a stronger religious identity than most of Celtic
Europe.
The territory in which these three
theonyms are found is quite extensive; it spans the provinces of Burgos, the
south of Alava, Soria, the Rioja region, Segovia, Guadalajara, Cuenca and part
of Teruel. The majority of the denominations of the deities in this region are
one-word names, which means that we cannot be sure of their theonymical
character. Furthermore, the majority also appear to be local deities.
Thus, a clear profile of the
religious pantheon does not emerge, and the scheme of the pantheon is vaguer
here than that obtained in the Lusitanian-Galician region.
The territory that corresponds
to the modern province of Valladolid and parts of Zamora and Palencia stands
out particularly because it’s practically devoid of any epigraphic dedications
to local native gods. Apart from the three inscriptions dedicated to the
Duillae found in Palencia, there are only the inscriptions found in the
mountainous area located in the north of this province. To the east of this
territory, from a north-south line that extends to the province of Burgos near
Briviesca to Clunia, and from there to Segovia (on the border with the
Celtiberians), only the indigenous gods mentioned above have been found.
Another area of the northern
Meseta in which a marked identity is seen, is the province of Navarra, where theonyms of
Basque origin appear. In the southwest of Pamplona, there is a small territory
where two regional theonyms, Losa or Loxa, with four dedications, and Larrai,
with two, have been recorded. In the eastern part of this province another god
appears, probably the regional deity: Peremusta, represented by two
inscriptions found in locations rather near each other. The rest of the deities
found in the Navarra region are recorded in only one location.
Deities and Ethnic Groups
Once those areas in which there
is evidence for a coherent group of theonyms have been established, we must
analyze these regions with the intention of discovering whether any
relationships exist between these groups of theonyms and the areas occupied by
the different Hispanic populi. First of all we will concentrate on the area
inhabited by the Lusitani.
Studying the culture of this
people is problematic because of the difficulty of defining their territory,
since in many cases the ancient writers simply wrote that the Lusitanians
inhabited the Roman province of Lusitania. However, some writers have provided
evidence showing that the Lusitani probably also occupied part of the territory
later called Callaecia. According to Strabo, Lusitania was bordered in the
south by the Tagus River, in the west and north by the Atlantic Ocean and in
the east by the area occupied by several populi listed from south to north as
the Carpetani, Vettones, Vaccei and Callaeci. Furthermore, Strabo also
specified that some earlier writers had referred to the Galician people as
Lusitanians. Callaecia had certain distinctive features that were recognized by
the Romans, who "separated those areas which had a certain number of
characteristics (archaeological, linguistic and others that we don't know of)
and wove them together to create distinct areas”. Despite this specificity,
Callaecia as a large territory was created by the Romans and probably did not
exist before the conquest.
Later on, the term Lusitani
would come to be used for the groups of towns within the borders of the
province created by Augustus, which had its northern limit at the Duero River.
The people that inhabited the area north of this river would from then on be
called Callaeci.
The territory that was without
doubt inhabited by the Lusitani corresponds approximately with the area where
various inscriptions in the Lusitanian language have been found: in Lamas de
Moledo, located in Castro Daire, Viseu, Cabeço das Fraguas, located in an
elevated area in the district of Pousafoles, Sabugal, Guarda, and in Arroyo de
la Luz, Cáceres. In turn, this region incorporates all of the Lusitanian
ciuitates that appear in the inscription from the Alcántara bridge, and it is
also the centre of the province created by Rome.
All of these factors allow us
without doubt to classify this area as Lusitanian and the other evidence that
reveals the characteristics of this territory, specifically the indigenous
theonyms, can also be considered as belonging to the culture of these populi.
Furthermore, there is another outstanding fact: the theonymic group made up of
the gods Bandua, Reue, Arentius-Arentia, Quangeius, Munidis, Trebaruna, Laneana
and Nabia that is found in the heart of Lusitania disappears almost completely
outside the boundary with the Vettonian area.
A different group of theonyms
appears in this area and there are practically no exceptions to this, apart
from one dubious dedication to Trebaruna found in Talavera la Vieja in which only part of the possible theonym
appears in the first line of the inscription, and another offering to the same
goddess found in Capera (near Oliva de Plasencia). Capera was, according to Ptolemy,
a Vettonian town, although it was located very near the Lusitanian frontier.
The rest of the inscriptions with theonyms are distributed throughout central
Lusitania and are always found close to the border, never going beyond it. Even
so, these are exceptional cases when keeping in mind the large number of
inscriptions that exist in the Lusitanian territory. This information enables
us to support the theory that some groups of theonyms can be related to a
specific cultural area. In this case, we can confirm that the group of theonyms
mentioned above is Lusitanian, and that they are also specific to these populi.
As for the territory inhabited
by the Vettones, the information available at the moment is not conclusive and is in some cases
rather confusing. However, the evidence does allow us to put forward the
hypothesis that some specific theonyms of this group of people exist. The
theonym that we consider with most certainty as being of Vettonian origin is
Toga. There is evidence of this deity in the northernmost area of the province
of Cáceres, in Valverde del Fresno, in S. Martin del Trevejo and in Martiago,
Salamanca. While the first two were found in the heart of the Sierra de Gata,
near the mountainous border between the provinces of Cáceres and Salamanca, but
also on the Lusitanian-Vettonian border, this third find shifts the cultural
horizon of Toga toward the area of Salamanca, which is clearly more Vettonian
in character. From here on, the information becomes more confusing, although it
does point in the same direction. Another inscription to this goddess, in the
form Tocae, was found in Torremenga, Cáceres, that is to say, in the centre of
the Vettonian territory.
This hypothesis is quite
plausible if we take into account two other inscriptions from Talavera de la
Reina, Toledo, and Avila. The first one, found 25 kilometres north of
Caesarobriga (Talavera de la Reina) contains the dative form Togoti. This town
was probably located in the eastern part of the Vettonian area and so the cult
of Toga and its possible partner would have extended over the whole area
occupied by these populi. Today the whereabouts of this inscription are
unknown. The second inscription, which has also been lost, is also dubious. It
was found in Avila and the only reference visible is to the deity deo To[…].
The six inscriptions shown so far of the gods Toga and Togo appear clearly to
be in the Vettonian area, far from the area where the Lusitanian gods were
worshipped. The main problem with this evidence is that three of the
inscriptions are now missing.
The second regional theonym
recorded in this area is Ilurbeda, although the lack of information relating to
this goddess raises some difficulties since there are only two recorded finds
in the Vettonian area and furthermore another two have been found in Lusitania.
However, the fact that the two Lusitanian inscriptions appeared next to a mine
on what may have been small altars suggests that the individuals who erected
them were Vettonian emigrants.
Once the Lusitanian (although we
insist that some differences on either side of the Duero River do exist), and
the Vettonian theonymic areas have been defined, the rest of the theonymic and
cultural areas which can be defined in western Hispania present more of a
problem. The first problem area is the Atlantic coastal region that extends
from the centre of Portugal to Galicia.
The theonym that characterizes
this area is Cosus, which does not appear in Galicia's interior except for a
recently recorded find in the western part of the province of Orense. This
deity has not been recorded in the same areas where Bandua, Reue and Nabia
occur but, as indicated previously, the deity is found again in the region of
El Bierzo, León, where none of the three gods mentioned above appear. From the
theonymical point of view, the disparities that exist between the coast and the
interior are sufficient to suggest that some ethnic-cultural differences
existed between these two areas. Since to a certain extent these differences agree
with the statements made by some Classical writers, we must briefly search the
literary sources to find the causes of these disparities.
Pomponius Mela provides a
description of the populi living on the western coast (from the south to the
north), concentrating on their ethnic character. He mentions the Turduli to the
south of the Duero River, and later, without being absolutely clear whether he
is referring to the coast north of the Duero or to the whole coast from the
mouth of the Tajo to the Celtic Promontory, he states that all the populi are
Celtic, except for the Grovii. He names some of the populi that inhabited the
area north of the Duero River as the Praesamarci, Supertamarici and Neri and
finally, he writes about the Artabri, specifying that they are also Celts. In
the coastal territories where these peoples lived, there is a lot of evidence
for the god Cosus.
Even if there are no other
sources to prove the presence of Celts in the area between the Tajo and Duero
Rivers, the existence of Celtic communities in the northwestern part of
Hispania is indicated by Strabo, who locates them near the territory of the
Artabri, who inhabited the area around the Nerius headland. Pliny also confirms
the presence of Celts in the Conventus Lucensis. In another passage, Pliny
identifies the names of some of these populi of Celtic origin who inhabited the
coastal strip: the Celtici Nerii and the Celtici Praestamarci. Pliny also
rejects the identification of the Grovii as Celtic, considering them to have a
Greek origin.
In summary, we have seen that
certain communities of the northwest coast, specifically the Artabri (Mela),
Nerii (Mela and Pliny) and Praestamarci (Mela and Pliny) are considered Celtic
by some Classical authors. Furthermore, we have epigraphic evidence that
another of the populi included among the Celtic communities by Mela, the
Supertamarici, was also Celtic. We also have four funerary inscriptions in
which the deceased is described as Celticus Supertamaricus. This information
indicates that there was a certain cultural continuity in the whole of the
coastal region extending from the Galician Rias Altas (Northern Coast) to the
Rias Bajas (Southern Coast), meaning that the communities that inhabited this
area were Celtic, and that they worshipped the god Cosus. However, we are not
able to establish the ethnic character of the communities that inhabited the
region of El Bierzo, León, where evidence of this god has also been found.
Therefore, while there are indications that Cosus was a god of these groups of
people described as Celts, we are still not sure that the deity was specific to
these peoples.
While we are not completely
certain whether cultural cohesion existed in the whole of the coastal area
where Cosus was worshipped, we can without a doubt confirm that cultural
uniformity existed amongst the Zoelae. In this territory another regional
theonym, Aernus, appears and three inscriptions of this deity have been
recorded. The first inscription was found in Castro de Avelãs, Bragança dedicated
by the ordo Zoelarum, which indicates that this god was probably the protector
of the Zoelae. The second inscription was also found in Castro de Avelãs ,
while the third one was found in Malta, Macedo de Cavaleiros, also in Bragança.
The area inhabited by these
people was probably the Portuguese region of Bragança, extending eastward from
there to the Tierra de Aliste, in the Spanish province of Zamora as well as to
the area of Miranda do Douro. Important evidence supporting this interpretation
is the discovery of a dedication to the god Aernus, by the ordo Zoelarum, near
Bragança. The Zoelae were probably included in the Conuentus Asturum, because
the hospitality tabula of the Zoelae was found in the capital, Astorga, and
also because in two inscriptions found in the cities of León and Arganza (in
the province of León) two individuals declared themselves as being Zoelae. In
addition, we know from the Tabula of Astorga that the first pact was made in a
town called Curunda. This town could be the one mentioned in a fragmentary
inscription found in a small settlement near Rabanales (Zamora), in which the
letters CVR can be read.
In addition to the Tabula of
Astorga (27 BC) in which the cultural specificity of the Zoela is documented,
given that they are described as a gens (gens Zoelarum) composed of several gentilitates,
certain material evidence has been found in this territory that confirms its
cultural identity. Firstly there are, from a formalist view, very
characteristic inscriptions, mainly the stelae decorated with suns and
representations of animals. Secondly, although there are remains of zoomorphic
sculptures (bulls and boars) over large regions of the western part of the
Iberian Peninsula, those found in the region of Trás-os-Montes and Zamora show
a uniformity that clearly stands out. Finally, there are also a number of
anthroponyms that are specific to this territory and since the epigraphic
evidence for Aernus is scarce, their concentration in a reduced territory in
association with the aspects of material culture mentioned above seems to
indicate a homogeneity in the cultural area of the zoelae.
The last region in which a concentration
of a group of theonyms can be identified is the eastern region of the Spanish
northern Meseta. The regional deities found here are, Lugus, Aeius, the Matres
and Epona. The evidence for these is concentrated in the modern provinces of
Soria, Guadalajara, Cuenca, Segovia, Burgos, the La Rioja region and Teruel.
This region coincides quite closely with the area that is considered by most
recent studies to be Celtiberian. However, we must remember the three Galician
inscriptions to Lugus and the fact that Epona has also been recorded in an
inscription from Mount Bernorio, Palencia. From this it can be concluded that
although the inscriptions of these three deities are clearly concentrated in
Celtiberia, the relatively small amount of data does not permit us to confirm
the exclusive existence of their cults in the Celtiberian territory.
Since the clearest outline of the
native religious pantheon of the Iberian Peninsula appears in the
central-eastern area of Lusitania, we can consider this the most suitable area
to begin the description of the characteristics of the different deities. This
is because an overall view of these gods would allow us to establish with more
precision the different features of the pantheon's structure.
We begin with Bandua, one of the
main deities worshipped in this area whose cult also extended to Callaecia.
Bandua is the most traditional version of her name although it has recently
been proposed that the name was more likely Bandu. We must stress that this
deity has not been recorded in any towns with evidence for a high degree of
Romanization. Altars to Bandua are located a certain distance from these towns
and, in several cases, in small fortified enclaves such as the Castro do Mau
Vizinho, Sul and S.Pedro do Sul, Viseu, which is dedicated to Bandua Oce. Other
examples include three altars dedicated to Bandua Roudaeco found near the
settlement of Villavieja, Trujillo, Cáceres, an altar from Eirás, San Amaro,
Orense in the area around the settlements of Eirás and A Cibdá very near San
Ciprián de Lás; two finds from the castle of Vila da Feira, Arlindo de Sousa,
Aveiro and an altar found in a possible
uicus on the hill of Murqueira, Esmolfe, Penalva do Castelo, Viseu.
Associated with these locations is
the fact that several of their appellatives refer to these types of settlements
through the suffix -briga. Examples are Etobrico; Brialeacui; Isibraiegui,
recorded on several altars in Bemposta, Penamacor, Castelo Branco and in Freixo
de Numão,Vila Nova de Foz Côa, Guarda, Longobricu, which has been recorded in
the area of Longroiva, Meda, Guarda, and from which the town derives its name;
Virubrico or Verubrico; Veigebreaego, found in Rairiz de Veiga, Orense, from
which the name of the modern town may be derived and Lansbricae, from Santa
Eugenia de Eirás, S. Amaro, Orense. This last altar was found near two
settlements, one of which was in San Ciprián de Las. The relationship between
this toponym and the epithet Lansbricae could be reinforced by the reference in
a document from 1458 to this place as Laans. Other appellatives of this type
are Saisabro, from Maranhão, Avís, Evora; Malunrico or Malunbrico, or
Aetiobrigo, found in Codesedo, Sarreaus, Orense.
In addition to the appellatives that
derive from a toponym with the suffix - briga, there are other epithets of
Bandua that refer to population centres. Roudaeco, recorded in an inscription
found in Casar de Cáceres, refers to a uicus Rouda that was probably located
around the convergence of the Tozo and Almonte Rivers where, as we have seen
before, three inscriptions dedicated to Bandua Roudaeco were found. In another
inscription from Sul, S. Pedro do Sul, Viseu only part of the appellative
remains, Oce..., which is interpreted as reading Ocel(ensi) or Ocel(aeco) and
which could refer to a toponym, as several toponyms take this root. Inscribed
on a silver patera (of unknown origin), the appellative Araugel… is visible,
which could refer to a castellum Araocelum (located in the region of Viseu), if
its interpretation is based on an inscription found in S. Cosmado, Mangualde,
in which various castellani Araocelenses are referred to.
To the ten epithets that directly
mention towns with the suffix -briga mentioned above we must add another three
that allude to Lusitanian urban settlements. In addition to these thirteen
epithets, we know of another ten probable ones whose meaning is unknown:
Apolosego, with its alternative forms, Arbariaico, Bolecco, Cadiego,
Oilienaico, Picio, Tatibeaicui, Tueraeo, Velugo Toiraeco and Vortiaecio (with all
its alternative forms). Therefore, from a total of 23 epithets of the god
Bandua, 56.5% are derived from names of ancient places, but this percentage
decreases to 43.5% if the three most dubious appellatives linked to population
centres, Oce..., Saisabro and Malunrico, are excluded. This figure is highly
significant and it can be used to make comparisons with some other areas.
Therefore, we can establish that in
the Lusitanian-Galician territory, Bandua is the native deity most often cited
together with epithets referring to uici, pagi or castella, so that it can be
concluded that there was a very special relationship between this god and the
low-status indigenous communities. In regard to the large proportion of
dedications to Bandua with epithets that characterize the deity as being
associated with different settlements, there is a total absence of any
appellatives of this deity relating to family, clan or tribal groups.
Furthermore, a large number of epithets of Bandua are unknown, and among them
could be found some family appellatives; this, of course, cannot be confirmed
by the evidence available today.
When investigating the religious
significance of Bandua, it is very important to highlight the fact that in the
Gallic provinces, where the native deities were associated with Roman gods, the
deity that is most closely related through its epithets to population centers
is Mars. Furthermore, the indigenous appellatives of this type in Hispania make
up 24% of the total number referring to this god. This represents quite a high
proportion, very different from the recorded percentages for the remaining the
deities. These numbers reflect the fact that Bandua in Hispania and the
indigenous god Mars in Gallia are the deities least frequently worshipped by
women. In Hispania, of all the dedications in which the sex of the worshipper
is known, only one out of 34 (3%) of the known dedications to Bandua can be
ascribed to a woman, whereas north of the Pyrenees, only 10 dedications (5%)
out of a total of 199 inscriptions to Mars were dedicated by women. These
figures are much lower in relation to those we have for the rest of the
deities, something that could be due to the character of these deities: they
were protector gods of the local communities, the uici and the pagi.
The religious polarization that can
be identified between the different places shows a direct relationship to the
status (normally administrative) of these places. As no appellatives of Bandua
refer to municipia or capitals of ciuitates. Therefore, concentrating on the
areas where evidence of this deity has been clearly recorded, it can be seen
that practically all of the finds come from places, often uici or castella,
located relatively far from the main and/or more Romanized towns. It has been
thought that Bandua, as a defender of local communities, had a warlike
character. However, with the decline of the political power of the castella and
the centralization of this power in select Romanized oppida, the public and
warlike character and significance of deities such as Bandua began to be lost
and these gods only maintained their function as protector gods for the
individual people of the uici, pagi and castella, which had now become
identified as social groups in their own right. In summary, it is in the
communities such as the castella, uici or pagi that the native inhabitants
continued to entrust their protection to the deities of their ancestors, while
in the new municipia or in the capital cities of the ciuitates the Roman
guardian deities were becoming progressively more established through the
patronage of native elites.
The religious nature of Cosus has
many similarities with that of Bandua. We have some evidence of this god near
settlements, such as the find on a rock 500 metres from the site of Sanfins,
Eiriz, Paços de Ferreira, Porto,, and another near the settlements of Meirás,
S. Martin de Meirás, Sada, A Coruña. We also know of some appellatives of this
god which refer to local communities, such as Conso S [...] ensi in S. Pedro de
Trones, Puente de Domingo Flórez, León and Coso Vacoaico in Viseu. This epithet
possibly alludes to the oppidum Vacca that is referred to by Pliny. This
oppidum was probably located near the place where the inscription of Coso was
found, that is, near the river Vouga. However, the relationship between the
toponym and the appellative of Coso is not certain. Finally, there are two
other finds from the village of Santo Tirso, Porto that refer to Coso Neneoeco.
The possible association of this epithet with Nine, the name of a place in this
area has been suggested; yet, this link so far cannot be substantiated.
There are some more important facts
to be considered before a possible identification between Cosus and Bandua can
be made. There is practically no overlap between the territories where the
inscriptions relating to Bandua and to Cosus have been found. Hence,
inscriptions referring to one of these deities are only found in areas where
inscriptions dedicated to the other divinities have not been found. The cult
areas of these two deities do not overlap but rather complement each other,
occupying practically the whole of the western territory of the Iberian
Peninsula where evidence of indigenous worship is found. Finally, no reliable
evidence has been found of any women worshipping at any of the monuments
dedicated to Cosus, a fact that further supports this theory.
Reue is one of the deities whose
cult occurs in the same territory as Bandua. Thus, to begin with we must
consider them as different deities. The strongest arguments point to Reue as
being equivalent to the Roman god Jupiter or to the Gallic god Taranis. This is
first of all based on the god's association with certain mountainous areas, as
seen in an inscription which links the indigenous god Reue to a geographical
feature in the north of Portugal, the mountain Larouco, which from its height
of 1538m dominates the whole of the surrounding region. This inscription, from
Baltar, Orense, was dedicated to Reue Laraucus while in another inscription
found in Vilar de Perdices, Montalegre, Vila-Real, Laraucus Deus Maximus is
mentioned. This last inscription was found together with another one containing
an allusive reference to Jupiter. Both inscriptions share a number of formal
characteristics and were found very close to the mountain. Therefore, these
finds imply that the god Reue may have been identified with the supreme god of
the Romans, Jupiter. Another recently discovered inscription confirms the
character attributed to this god. The altar comes from Guiães, Vila-real, very
near the Sierra Marão mountain range and was dedicated to Reue Marandicui,
which suggests a relationship between the epithet of the god and the name of
the mountain. This may be another mountainous area representing a possible base
of the Lusitanian-Galician deity Reue.
These are not the only cases in
which Reue appears in connection with important mountains. In Cabeço das
Fraguas, Pousafoles do Bispo, Sabugal, Guarda, a cave inscription found at a
considerable altitude (1015m) includes dedications to several deities, one of
which is Reue. The sacred nature of this place is confirmed by the finding of
fourteen votive altars without inscriptions at the base of the mountain, far
from any populated areas.
In several dedications to Jupiter
the appellatives refer to mountains or elevated areas. One example is that of
Iuppiter Candamius, cited in an inscription found in Candanedo, León. The
inscription was found in a mountainous area and furthermore the epithet of the
god also derives from the name of the mountain. This information reveals the
link between the deity and this mountain, whose name is derived from *kand -
"to shine, burn or glow". The same can be assumed for the dedication
to Iuppiter Candiedo, the exact origin of which is unknown, and Iuppiter deus
Candamus, mentioned in an inscription found on the outer side of a wall in
Monte Cildá, Olleros de Pisuerga, Palencia.
Similar arguments can be used to
establish that this same religious characteristic is hidden within another
native denomination, Salamati. In the first place, Salamati is related directly
to the modern name of the Jálama mountain range (1492 m.), which in antiquity
was called Sálama. Sálama probably covered the area from the Sierra de Gata to
the Sierra de Malcata or the Sierra de Las Mesas mountain ranges, very near the
places where the inscriptions were found. The name Salamati appears in an
inscription as D(eus) O(ptimus). Therefore, according to the information
available, the most probable theory is that Reue, like the indigenous god
Iuppiter, is associated with mountainous places where his power and his
functions are clearly revealed. This relationship is supported by the location
of various altars in these mountains or in their immediate surroundings (in one
case an inscription was found next to another one dedicated to Iuppiter), and
by the references to the god with epithets derived from the names of the
mountains mentioned above.
The evidence regarding the deity
Salama is similar to that for Reue. Therefore, the theory that an association
existed between Salama and Reue can be supported by taking into account the
fact that the territories where both gods were worshiped did not overlap, but
were rather complementary. Furthermore, both gods coexisted with the same group
of deities in each of their areas. Therefore, Salama could simply be an
appellative of Reue.
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In addition to the link between
Reue and mountainous areas, an association can also be established with river
currents. In fact the root *Sal-, as well as relating to mountains, could also
be interpreted as "water course". This root is well represented in European
hydronyms, where some of them appear with the suffix -am, such as the French
river Salembre, which in the twelfth century was called Salambra. A number of
examples of this are also known in the Iberian Peninsula. These include the
Salamanquilla, Toledo, or the Salamantia, probably the ancient name for the
river Tormes and possibly the origin of the toponym Salmantica (Salamanca).
The association with rivers is
clearly confirmed by the theonym Reue. Reue was probably a goddess who
represented the deification of the rivus, or stream, and probably had the same
meaning as the French feminine word rivière (river) or the Catalan riera. Reue
derives from the root *reu- which probably means "flow, current, river and
water current." The majority of the appellatives of Reue probably express
not just the masculine gender of the god but also its link to certain rivers.
Therefore, the epithet Langanidaeigui probably derives from the hydronyms
Langanida, so that the inscription dedicated to Reue Langanidaeigui could be
translated as "to the god Reue of the [river] Langanida". The
appellative of the dedication to Reue Anabaraecus probably contained the
elements ana (with its obvious river connotation) and bara, which sometimes
means "riverbank" and other times expresses a hydronym. Therefore,
the dedication probably means "to the god Reue of the riverbank of
Ana" or "to the god Reue of Anabara", or if Anabaraecus is
broken down into two elements, "to the god Reue Ana [of the town] of Bara"
or "to the god Reue Ana of the Vera". In either case there is
evidence of the association between the god and a certain river or its
surroundings. This theory can also be applied to Reue Reumiraegus. If at the
time when the inscription was made the appellative term *reu- (river) was in
use, it probably means "to the god Reue of the river Mira", but if
this meaning had been lost by then Reumira is more likely a hydronym and the
dedication should be interpreted as "to the god Reue of the [river]
Reumira". Finally, Veisutus was probably formed from the roots
*ueis-/uis-, which are very popular hydronyms found throughout prehistoric
Europe.
From the study of the theonym
and epithets of Reue, it is concluded that Reue was used as an appellative for
"river", but "gradually the god stopped being the same physical
reality as the river and changed, converting into a personal entity of divine
character, that inhabited the river and was its protector or dispenser".
Several writers have already
noted the significant number of columns dedicated to Jupiter that have been
found in springs or rivers in the Gallic and Germanic provinces. The
relationship between these monuments and water channels was further explored by
Drioux in his work on the territory of the Lingones.
In a comprehensive study of the
Jupiter columns found in Germania Superior, Bauchhenss confirmed the
relationship between these monuments and certain river sources and springs.
However, the foundations of some of these monuments were not found right beside
these water sources but were rather located in the immediate vicinity and
furthermore sometimes the large-sized building materials of these monuments had
been transported from distant territories. Therefore, it cannot be deduced from
this information alone whether or not the relationship between the columns and
the water sources is merely circumstantial.
The link between many of the
Jupiter columns and places with water is perfectly conceivable without
minimizing the position of the deity in the religious hierarchy or implying that
the god had certain characteristics which belong to the "healing"
deities. The key, for these investigators, lies in the mythological and
religious meaning contained in the sculptured image in the upper part of the
columns.
A horseman resembling Iuppiter
is shown urging his mount toward a serpent-like monster in a scene with obvious
affinities with the Vedic myth of the confrontation between the god Indra and
the demon Vritra. However, Indra appears in this myth as the "conqueror of
the waters", while the deity who regulates and sends the waters to man was
the supreme Indo-Iranian god Varuna.
Myths that embody the fight
between the God of the Tempest and a dragon, or an amphibious serpent with
anthropomorphic features, are quite characteristic not only of Celtic and
Indo-Iranian areas, but are also found in different Indo-European religions.
Based on the arguments mentioned above, we can reasonably conclude that
Jupiter, the supreme god of the Gallo-Romans, had a definite association with
rivers and that this relationship was strongest in certain places, such as
confluences or river-sources. The nature of this relationship probably derives
from the fact that in those places, one of the deity's main functions was
asserted. This function was on the one hand that of benefactor and guarantor of
the rains and the survival of the community and, on the other hand, that of
creator of storms and catastrophic floods. It is logical that in those places
where the believer could best perceive the power of the god, the cult was
expressed through the erection of votive altars, monumental columns or through
the construction of sanctuaries.
This explanation fits in well
with the fact that many of the places where the Jupiter columns are located,
such as river sources or confluences, were of vital importance to the people
who inhabited those lands. One example is the column of Cussy, found next to
the source of the river Arroux that passes through Augustodunum, Autun, the
capital of the Aedui in Roman times. A second column, now lost, was located at
the confluence of the Sena and Marne Rivers, while another example is the
column of the nautae Parisiaci.
In accordance with these
notions, it could be etymologically asserted that the theonym Taranis,
associated with Iuppiter in Gallia, is related to rivers. This could have been
the original name of the Tarn River (a tributary of the Garonne River), which
Pliny called Tarnis, or the Tanaro River (a tributary of the Po River), which
also appears in Pliny and in the Itinerary of Antoninus as Tanarus. In
Sevilla's opinion, "in both cases it seems most likely that these
hydronyms owed their origin to a place related to the cult of this deity,
located in the source or course of these fluvial currents.". Other
hydronyms can also be linked to the theonym Taranis, such as a second Tarn
River, the Ternain (a tributary of the Arroux, which in its upper course is
called the Tarène), the Ternau (a tributary of the Marne River) and the
Ternoise River.
Therefore, if we can establish a
relationship between Bandua, local native communities and the Celtic god Mars,
we can also confirm that Reue, as a deity that belonged to the same religious
pantheon as Bandua, was associated with mountainous places, rivers and the
Celtic deities related to Iuppiter such as Taranis.
In regard to the third deity of
the Lusitanian pantheon, Arentius, the first point that we can establish about
his religious character comes from his frequent epigraphic association with the
goddess Arentia. We can obtain some information about this relationship if we
compare it with evidence from outside the Iberian Peninsula. Studying the
votive offerings found in the Gallic and Germanic provinces and in Britannia,
it is observed that among all of the male native deities who have inscriptions
dedicated to them in which they appear with female deities as divine couples,
the majority correspond to gods associated with Apollo, the next most common association
is with Mercury and lastly with Mars. Those where the indigenous god Mars forms
a divine couple make up 4% of the total number of dedications to this god. The
"Celtic Apollo" is linked to a female deity in 29% of inscriptions
while Mercury forms a couple in 26% of inscriptions. Hence, if we study the
data in proportion to the total number of finds which refer to each deity, we
see that Apollo and Mercury appear more regularly in inscriptions associated
with a female deity. The fact that in the eight known inscriptions dedicated to
Arentius this god forms a divine couple in 50% of the cases suggests that he
probably had a similar character to that of the non-Hispanic native deities
associated with Apollo or Mercury. In addition, Apollo and the Gallo-Roman god
Mercury are the only gods that appear to have been worshiped together with goddesses
in the same inscriptions and are also referred to by the same theonym as the
female deity, such as Mercury Visucius and Visucia or Apollo Bormanus and
Bormana.
Due to the scarcity of reliable
data and the fact that our evidence does not account for about a dozen
inscriptions, the conclusions proposed here must be supported in other ways. In
the first place, dedicatory inscriptions to Arentius can be attributed to women
in two out of a total of seven altars in which the name of the devotee is known
(28.5%). This agrees more closely with the data that we have for Apollo and the
Gallo-Roman god Mercury (15.7% and 22.7% respectively) than with the data for
the indigenous god Mars (5%). However, the appellative Arentius Tanginiciaecus
certainly derives from the anthroponym Tanginus, which also shows the religious
affiliations of the dedicator of another altar to the god. This would indicate
a definite association between the god and a family group and probably a link
with the private setting, which would then also relate the god to the two
Gallo-Roman deities Apollo and Mercury. Another indication that Arentius was a
god related to the private or family setting is the archaeological context in
which the altar of "Zebras", Orca, Fundão was found. This altar was
discovered in a domestic context beside the impluuium of the inner courtyard of
a house.
Once the features of Arentius
have been identified as complementary to those established for Bandua and Reue,
we can examine the evidence of theonyms in other areas that are also related to
anthroponyms, to determine whether they present a similar profile to that of
Arentius. An example similar to that of Arentius Tanginiciaecus is
Caesariciaecus, an epithet that appears without its theonym in an inscription
from Martiago, Salamanca, derived from the cognomen Caesarus, recorded in the
Lusitanian-Galician region. Another anthroponymic appellative is Tritiaecius,
recorded without its theonym in Torremenga, Cáceres. It is related to the
cognomen Tritius/Tritia, of which 31 recorded finds are known, a number of
which have been found in the province of Cáceres. The epithet Aracus
Arantoniceus can also be linked to the anthroponym Arantonius, of which there
are a number of recorded examples in Lusitania, mainly in the modern day
district of Castelo Branco. And finally we have Tabaliaenus, cited as an
appellative of the god [...]ouio found in Grases, Villaviciosa, Asturias,
deriving from the cognomen Tabalus, which has been recorded in this area.
No appellatives of this kind are
known for Bandua, Cosus or Reue despite the large number of known inscriptions
with epithets referring to these gods. The only appellatives accompanied by
their indigenous theonyms that are known north of the Duero River are the
allusive appellatives of Lug, such as Lucubo Arquienob(o), which refers to
Arquius, a cognomen ubiquitous in Hispania, and the already cited [...]ouio
Tabaliaeno, which could be interpreted as another dedication to the god Lugus.
Therefore Arentius presents some
close similarities to Lugus. This god appears in diverse places in the Celtic
world; however, although the evidence for Lugus is widespread throughout this
whole area, few votive offerings are known for this god. For this reason, if we
had to calculate the extent of the cult to this god from the number of
dedications found, we would greatly undervalue his importance. Fortunately, we
have other information that indicates that Lugus was one of the most important
gods of the Celtic pantheon.
In the first place, we have to
consider the large number of toponyms with the term lucu-, lugu-, loucu- or
lougu- related to the name of the god that have been found throughout western
Europe. In Hispania there are also toponyms known to derive from this theonym:
Lucus Augusti (Lugo), Lucus (Lugo de Llanera, Asturias), the ciuitas
Lougeiorum, Louciocelum, Lucocadia, Lugones (Siero, Asturias, which is probably
derived from the ancient Luggoni), Logobre, Santa María of Lugo and Lugás.
Further to the south near the sanctuary of Lugus located around Peñalba de
Villastar, Teruel, there are also the locations called Luco de Bordón and Luco
de Jiloca.
There is also evidence of a
number of anthroponyms related to the theonym Lugus: Lugaunus, Lugenicus, Lugetus,
Lugidamus, Lugiola, Lugissius, Lugius or Luguselva. Lugenicus means "born
of Lugus" or "conceived of Lugus" (when it is in the form of
"Lugu-gene-ico") and Luguselva, probably means "elect of
Lugus.". In Hispania, there are also some anthroponyms derived from the
name of this deity, including Lougeius, Lougo, Lougus, Lucus, Lugua and
Luguadicius. Some family names derived from Lugus also appear throughout the
whole of the Celtic world. In Hispania, the following are known: Lougeidocum
(Saelices, Cuenca), Lougesterico(n) (Coruña del Conde, Burgos) and
Lougesteric(um?).
Keeping in mind the evidence of
the toponyms, anthroponyms, and the family names derived from the theonym
Lugus, we notice that the information obtained from the votive inscriptions in
which this god is mentioned does not generally agree with the intensity of this
cult found in the whole of the Celtic territory. D'Arbois de Jubainville
hypothesized that the god Lugus, who appears in Irish mythological texts,
corresponds to the Gallic deity interpreted by Caesar as Mercury, the
"inventor of all the arts" (BC VI, 16). D'Arbois' theory was accepted
by numerous investigators during the twentieth century and still remains a
strong theory today.
One piece of epigraphic evidence that reinforces the
theories discussed above is the inscription from Osma, Soria, in which the
dedication to the Lugoues was made by a guild of shoemakers. Recently, numismatic
evidence has been presented that seems to confirm the relationship between
Lugus and this profession. These coins have on the obverse side a radiated bust
of Posthumous and on the reverse, a beardless male figure with wavy hair and
large hands. The god holds a trident upright in his left hand and in the right
one a bird. On his left shoulder there is another bird from which two belts
hang. The deity is Lugus, and the legend of the coins reads SVTVS AVG, which
means Sutus Aug(ustus) or "divine shoemaker". Thus, some fragments of
the Mabinogi, written in Wales around the twelfth or thirteenth centuries can
be interpreted in a similar vein. As in the case of the Irish medieval
manuscripts some authors have argued that the tales in the Mabinogi were based on
legends that had circulated orally a few centuries before. In these texts a
character named Llew Llaw Gyffes appears who is similar to Lug. His name also
signifies "the shining one" and, like Lugus, Llew is disguised as a
shoemaker in one of the tales.
Some years after D'Arbois established his description of
Lugus as a multifunctional deity identified with Mercury, Reinach went one step
further in defining the characteristics of the Gallo-Roman god Mercury. He
identified him with a series of sculptural representations in which one of the
most prominent characteristics was his triple face. Reinach concluded his
proposed theory by generalizing about all the forms of this type of sculptural
evidence. Reinach's statement is supported by Caesar, who considered the Gallic
god Mercury to be the most worshipped god because there were in Galliae more
images of Mercury made of stone and bronze than of any other deity.
Therefore, we argue that Lugus was associated more closely
with Mercury than with any other Roman deity. Based on the conclusions drawn by
D'Arbois and Reinach, Lugus was a multifunctional god with numerous forms that
transcend all specific functions, and he can appear as a single or triple
deity, as shown in the Gallo-Roman representations of Mercury with whom he is
most closely associated. This triple characteristic of the god is reflected
clearly in the epigraphic evidence where his name appears in plural, such as in
the altars dedicated to various Lugoues in Avenches, Switzerland and to
Lugouibus, written in the plural dative form in Osma, Soria.
We can also detect the plurality of the god in the altars
found in the province of Lugo, Galicia, Spain, in which the god is cited as
Lucoubu Arquieni, Lugubo Arquienobo and [...]u Arquienis. Still more important
are the three foculi which Martínez Salazar identified in the upper part of two
of the altars, which allow us to hypothesize that the plural dedications found
in Lugo are comparable to those dedicated to the denomination Matrebo
Nemausikabo found in Nîmes.
Taking these plural dedications into consideration, Loth
tried to extend his research to construct a theological definition of Lugus.
According to him, the Lugoues probably represented a type of deity like the
Matres that were related to Lugus, who, as the son of Talltiu the Earth Mother,
was probably as much a chthonic god as a heavenly one. In this sense, according
to Loth, the dedication to the goddesses Maiabus found in Metz should be
interpreted in the same way, as they are probably related to Maia, the mother
of Mercury, with whom he appears to be associated in numerous Gallic
inscriptions has also observed that a close relationship existed between the
evidence for the three-headed Gallo-Roman god and the Matres, and he questioned
whether these goddesses might perhaps even be a transposition of the great
Celtic ternary god.
In fact, the theories that have identified the plural
denominations of Lugus with the cult of the Matres have gained considerable
support with the recent discovery of a votive altar dedicated to Lugunis deabus
in Atapuerca, Burgos. According to the evidence of a large number of
inscriptions that have been found, Atapuerca is right in the heart of the
Hispanic territory where the cults of Lugus and the Matres were at their most
intense.
If Caesar's assessment of Mercury as the most worshipped
Gallic god whose main characteristic was his "talent for all the
arts" leads us to the identification of Mercury with Lugus, then the
physical characteristics, the similarity of attributes, as well as the
similarity between the mythological events involving him and the god Apollo,
imply a second identification of Lugus with Apollo. This hypothesis allows us
to fit together various pieces of evidence of Hispanic epigraphy and
Gallo-Roman iconography that otherwise would be difficult to find any sense
for.
From this point of view, it is possible to fit together some
of our theories regarding the gods Arentius and Arentia. We have established
that these Lusitanian gods, given the frequency with which they appear as a
couple in the inscriptions, resemble the Gallo-Roman divine couples of Apollo
Grannus/Sirona and Apollo Boruo/Damona, as well as the pairing of Mercury and
Rosmerta. If the theory regarding the identification of Lugus with Mercury and
hence with the Gallo-Roman god Apollo is correct, then our conclusions follow
logically in that Arentius is a deity comparable to Apollo and Mercury, as well
as being equivalent to Lugus.
It is possible that the same profile can be applied to Endouellicus.
The first thing that is seen from his inscriptions is the relationship of the
god with the private or family environment. Of the 51 inscriptions to the god
that have a named dedicator, 17 were by women, some 33% of the dedications.
This is a very high proportion, much higher than for the rest of the Hispanic
deities (excluding Arentius and therefore Vaelicus) and is similar to the data
that we have for the dedications to the indigenous gods Apollo and Mercury in
the rest of western Europe. The oracular and healing character of Endouellicus,
and his association with the individual and the family are the most outstanding
features of the inscriptions, and they profile a divine typology comparable to
that which we have for Lugus or Arentius, which is not contradicted by the
location of the sanctuary of this god on a small hill.
We have succeeded in establishing a religious profile for
three of the four male deities known from the Lusitanian area as well as the
similarities that some of them have with gods worshipped in other areas.
However, since reliable evidence is lacking for the fourth god, Quangeius, who
was worshipped in the central region of Lusitania, we cannot confirm anything
about his nature.
Nabia is the most frequently recorded female deity in the
western area of Hispania and one of the first aspects of this goddess that must
be highlighted is the diversity of geographical and archaeological contexts in
which the epigraphic evidence has been found. Some inscriptions originate in
mountainous places, sometimes in elevated areas far away from any population
centres. The inscriptions relating to Nabia have been found in different
contexts, such as in probable sanctuaries located in uninhabited forested
mountainous areas, in settlements or towns and finally, next to sacred springs.
In addition, we have to take into consideration that Nabia is mentioned twice
together with Jupiter in an inscription found in Marecos, Peñafiel, Porto. The
double invocation to Nabia in this inscription indicates that two different
divine entities were being worshiped by that name from different functional
points of view: the supreme Nabia related to Jupiter and another incarnation of
the deity more directly linked to the protection and defence of the community
or to more private aspects, such as health, fertility or wealth. This implies
that Nabia probably had an association with water, the sky and the earth.
In some other altars where the Lusitanian-Galician goddess
was associated with indigenous communities due to the epithets or to the
locations where the inscriptions were found, her protective and political
character would have stood out. However this does not in any way prejudice the
interpretation of other dedications in which the aspects relating Nabia with
other goddesses are highlighted. It is highly probable that on certain
occasions Nabia could be identified with Diana. But she could also be identified
with Juno, with Tutela, with Victoria, or with other deities of the Roman
pantheon. In other contexts Nabia is not associated with any specific deity,
because she would have assumed multiple functions comprising the different
characteristics of various Roman deities.
Trebaruna, the second most recorded Lusitanian female deity
in votive inscriptions, appears in the cave inscription of Cabeço das Fraguas,
where there is evidence of only two deities: Trebaruna and Reue. The fact that
one is male and the other one female suggests that they could have been a
divine couple. This is very important because as both theonyms have a similar
semantic content, the religious significance of Reue may provide us with clues
about the nature of Trebaruna. Bearing these premises in mind, the evidence
specific to Trebaruna places her in the same context as that relating to Reue.
Evidence has been found of etymological links to flowing water, such as
inscriptions found beside springs, in mountainous areas such as the find at Cabeço
das Fraguas, and associated with Reue in an inscription. Similar arguments have
led us to consider that Reue was a Lusitanian-Galician sovereign deity
comparable to the Gallic god Taranis and therefore associated with the Roman
god Iuppiter. Thus, we should consider Trebaruna as a sovereign goddess partner
of Reue, who transcends the private and even local environment. In this sense,
Trebaruna never appears with local epithets and some of her worshippers are
those who cite their origo in their votive offerings. In addition, evidence of
the goddess appears in Romanized towns such as Capera or Augustobriga.
Two of the three inscriptions to Epona were found in
Celtiberian territory. Most of the altars dedicated to the Matres (15) come
from the same area, while three of the altars found in the south of Hispania
have appellatives (Aufaniae, Augustae and Veterae) that appear in Central
Europe, something that could be due to the movement of people throughout these
areas. Given that the gods Epona, the Matres and Lug are pan-Celtic and that
they appear mainly in Celtiberia, we can conclude that this is the region of
Hispania more similar to Celtic Europe from a religious point of view. However,
it is possible that the pantheon of indigenous gods in this area is not
reflected accurately in the votive inscriptions found, since there are very few
inscriptions and the theonymic character of the denominations in them is
unclear.
Conclusion
To conclude, there are some male deities in Western Hispania
that allow us to outline a structured religious pantheon. Reue is the god
linked to mountainous areas and rivers, whose appellatives are not confined to
a single location but extend throughout a large area. He can be considered to
be a supreme, stellar and sovereign god with a juridical pre-eminence that
could have covered a number of populated areas. Secondly, Bandua can be
characterized as the god of the local community and considered through his
epithets as the god of fortified settlements of which he was the exclusive protector;
his tutelage probably also extended to the environment of war. In the third
place, Arentius and Lugus show more of a link with the private and family
environments and to fertility and health. We have to take into consideration
that the characteristics proposed for each of these deities are not seen in the
others. Finally, Quangeius does not present any features that could allow us to
identify his function. In the regions that do not coincide with the areas where
these gods were worshipped, the god Lugus, displaying a similar profile to that
of Arentius, would have been present. The pantheon of the female deities
appears to have a structure similar to that of the male deities. However, more
problems are seen in this case for two reasons: first, the evidence of the
goddesses presents a much less clear picture regarding their function and,
second, the functionality of the Celtic female deities of Hispania is less
clearly defined. Therefore it is more difficult to visualise the hierarchy and
the functional scheme of the goddesses in Hispania.
However, the outline of the pantheon based on a functional
interpretation of the Celtic deities of Hispania is not the only one that can
be drawn. Since it is possible to establish that the sphere of influence of these
gods arose from different socio-political settings of the indigenous Hispanic
populi, Reue could be presented in this sense as a god linked with regional,
social and political settings, with characteristics that are unknown. Or Bandua
could be the god who represents the castellum and together with Arentius-Lugus,
even though neither has any community-specific characteristics, could be gods
linked to the individual, the family or non-family groups which exist in the
context of the local community. This would not have affected the popular
character that made them one of the principal deities of the pantheon.
Finally, all the information presented and analysed in this
work has allowed us to establish at least an outline of the functioning of the
religious pantheon of the Celtic populi of Hispania. Only evidence that may
surface in the future will allow us to make corrections and adjustments, and
broaden the general vision that we have sketched here regarding the religious phenomenon
of the native societies of the Iberian Peninsula. We hope that further studies
can serve to test and possibly confirm some of the theories presented here.
Juan Carlos Olivares Pedreño, University of Alicante
Full article: HERE.
