Showing posts with label Cuchulainn. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Cuchulainn. Show all posts

Wednesday, 14 October 2020

Gaelic Folklore (40): Head Cult


 

Head cult. 

In the light of comparative ethnography, we are beginning to better understand the customs of the Celtic populations, too often distorted by explanations that compared them to the customs of classical civilization instead of bringing them closer to those of wild or semi-civilized populations, the interpretation of certain sculptures and coins has brought to light the Celtic rite of severed heads.

But we have not yet assembled, in a systematic study, all the texts and monuments that can shed light on this custom. In the course of research on the religious character of the wars, with the weapons used and the conventions that regulate them, it seemed to me that the best way to recover the original value of this rite of the severed heads would be to group together all the documents concerning it around the few precise texts and well-known monuments that show its persistence in Gaul on the eve of the Roman conquest. Some light may be shed on all the rites and customs concerning war trophies, whose importance for the history of our origins needs no mention.

Let us begin by translating and commenting on the two capital texts of Diodorus and Strabo. We know that they summarize that of Posidonius of Apamea, who travelled to Gaul about ten years before the Roman conquest (c. 80-70 BC). Posidonius tells us: 'To fallen enemies they cut off the heads and tie them to the necks of their horses. As for the blood-stained remains, they hand them over to their squires and take them away as spoils with a triumphal march and singing a victory hymn; for the trophies they nail to their houses like we do in respect of certain animals killed in the hunt. For heads of the most illustrious enemies, they carefully embalm them (…) with cedar oil and keep them in a box. They show them to strangers, boasting that one of their ancestors, or their father or some other, did not want to sell it, no matter how much money was offered to him. Some even boast that they did not want to give up a head for its weight in gold, showing in this a pride of savages. For while it is noble not to put a price on the insignia of bravery, to make war on people of one's own race even when they are dead is an act of ferocious beast.”


Celtic head with helmet or cap, British Isles

Doidorus: “Clothes are therefore properly considered as booty, but only the clothes. You can see the head and the weapons have a spell on them... particular. The heads are considered to be first-fruits.”

 Diodorus did not use this word without reason: for Greeks of his time the clothes are the booty that the soldiers share, the first-fruits reserved for the gods, exactly at the top of the heap(s) formed with the remains. The Gauls used to have precisely the habit to form a heap of all the spoils.

Strabo added a barbaric and inhuman custom, which is found in most northern nations: “after the battle they hang the heads of the slain on the horses their necks, and bring them back with them for to fix the heads in spectacle to the big gate of their houses'.  Posidonios said that he had often witnessed it.

As for the heads of the great characters, they showed them to foreigners kept in cedar oil and refused to sell them, even by their weight in gold.  This fact should have been brought to light more clearly: cedar oil is the one that the Egyptians used for embalming, probably because Osiris was passing by for being buried in a cedar. The older scholars saw this as further evidence of the distant connections between Gauls and Egyptians. What is certain is that the cedar grew only in Syria and Cilicia, Cyprus and Crete, Africa, maybe also in Phrygie and Thrace. If it's not another resinous tree that Posidonios referred to (it is confused sometimes with the juniper), the reported fact is to be added to all those which show the extent of the commercial relations of the Gauls: The Persians also knew how to embalm the heads of their enemies, as Herodotus wrote.  The Romans put an end to these practices of the Gauls.

Stone head, Yorkshire

This last remark must have been added by Strabo, when, about the year 21 AD, he put the last hand at his work. It provides us with the extreme limit for the use of decollation of the enemy killed. The custom, as was seen among the Gauls in Caesar's time, dated back at least to the fourth century. In 295 BC, before the Battle of Sentinum, where Decius was unable to wrest the army Roman to the Gallic fury than by devoting himself to the infernal gods, an entire legion was surprised by the Gauls and annihilated to the last man. The consuls were not informed of this until they were in sight of the Gauls, “until Gaulish horsemen appeared with the heads of the slain hanging from their horses' chests and fixed on the points of their spears, whilst they chanted war-songs after their manner”. (Tite Live, X, 26, 11.). If the horsemen carried the heads cut on the chest of their mounts, they were probably tantassins who used to spear them at the tip of their spears. Some years later, the same custom among the invading Gauls no longer Italy, but Greece: the head of the defeated Macedonian king, Ptolemy Keraunos, is carried by the victors on the tip of a spear, the Gaesates brought back to their kings the head of Consul Atilius killed in action. A third variety of the rite we are dealing with is indicated by Tite Live about the surprise when, in 216 BC, Consul L. Postumius perishes with two legions under the blows of the Boïens: “The Boii, having cut off his head, carried it and the spoils they stript off his body, in triumph into the most sacred temple they had. Afterwards they cleansed the head according to their custom, and having covered the skull with chased gold, used it as a cup for libations in their solemn festivals, and a drinking cup for their high priests and other ministers of the temple.” (Liv. XXIII, 24) Kroum the Bulgarian, drank likewise from the skull of Nicephorel, who was embedded of a golden circle.

It was therefore a habit of the Gauls to consecrate in their temples with the severed head of the enemy leader: they garnished gold the skull and it was thus used by the priests and his acolytes for the solemn libations. It is obviously for this purpose that alluded to Florus, when, among the ferocious features of the Scornful Gauls, he reports they were propitiating the gods... by human blood and drank from skulls.

The use to drink from a skull was practiced in Gaul since the Paleolithic period. It is attested in Syria around 570 (the Bishop of Jerusalem Jacob drinking from the skull of the martyr Theodotus); it has been reported that the habit was in use amongst Fijians, Andamans, Fuegians, Konds from India, New Zealand... Mecklenburg, in Guinea; also found are many of amulets made from skulls.

According to Posidonius, this custom was widespread among most peoples of the North. There is a body of text to support this claim. Among the Germans, in the most famous of their victories, that of the Teutoburg Forest, the rite had to be performed. Germanicus, in the year 21 AD, finds, amidst the ruins of the camp of Varus, the bleached bones of the dead, in the very place where they died, the weapon fragments, the limbs... horses, "heads attached to tree trunks and.., in the nearby woods, the altars on which the Germans ...had immolated the Tribunes and the First  Centurions. "(Tacitus, Ann. I, 61)  Perhaps it was the result of an earlier vow. Thus, according to Florus, IV, 12, before going to war against Drusus, the Cherusks, the Sueves and the Sicambres had, by burning alive twenty centurions, divided up the booty in advance: the Cherusks had chosen the horses, the Swedes the gold. and the money, the Sicambres the prisoners. Every people had to have their share. A clue that Arminius had devoted to the infernal gods the entire Roman army is that it doesn't seem that he kept prisoners: all of them seem to have been or hanged or buried alive.


Like the entire cursed army had fallen to them, the officers had been sacrificed on altars as prisoners: it were their heads that were nailed to the trees, a clue is in the care the Germans took in the head of Varus: They went so far as to exhume it, so that it would not fail to their triumph. According to Velleius, Varus' head was sent by Arminius to Marbod. This custom persisted in the Rhine regions among the Alamans: we see Gregory the Great writing in Brunehaut to prevent "sacrilegious holocausts of severed heads".  - The Thuringians who are devastating the Lorraine under Thierry I, still hang the children from the trees. According to Lucain's well-known scholism, hanging from a tree would be precisely the torture preferred by the Gallic Mars: Hesus Mars. It is known that the king of Lombardy Alboin made a cup with the skull of the King of the Gepids whom he had killed; in the poem of the Niebelungen, the Burgonde Goudroun transforms the skulls of Atli's children into cups. (Etzel or Attila) and gives them to their father.

The scalping, which was called the decalvatio, also appears to be practiced in invaders from across the Rhine: to scalp is provided for as a penalty in the Visigoth code. If the ecclesiastical tonsure appeared to the hairy Franks, the new masters of the Gallia comata, such a profound decline for their princes, is it not by some remembrance of the particular value attached to hair? At the other end of the Germanic world this custom is attested for by the Daces by the Trajan Column where we see heads on the stakes of their ramparts  and by the treasure vase of Nagy Szent Miklos where a horseman is holding in the same hand a captive by the hair, and a severed head. We know that the Daces were a mixture of Moesians and of Thracians: we see them, before the battle, dedicate the entrails of slain generals to their deities and are shown to us after a cavalry fight against the Romans, in 171 B.C., brought back singing - like the Gauls - the head of a slain general, at the point of an spear. (Titus Live, XLII, 60) Diomedes, a Thracian hero, beheads Dolon. Perseus, god of war of one Thracian tribe cuts off the head off Medusa, and the Thracian Menades cuts off Orpheus' head. It can be found, moreover, in primitive Rome and its neighbors, some traces of the same use: thus Consul Cossus, in 437 BC, after having killed and stripped Tolumnius, king of the Venetians, wears his head upon the tip of his spear. (Liv. IV, 19): at the same time, the Aequi are seen triumphantly walking around the severed head of Legate Furius ; still in 21 AD  Tib . Gracchus promises freedom to those slaves trained in two legions that will bring back an enemy's head. (Liv. XXIV. 14-13) In 207 BC, the head of Asdrubal is thrown into the camp of Hannibal (Liv. XXVII, 52).  

The custom of processions wearing severed heads in the Thracian cult of Dionysus derives from the Bacchic cults: after being the grimacing heads of the victims torn and ritually eaten, they became the grotesque heads of Satyrs or Silenes, either shaped into comedy masks, either carved on these marble discs who kept the name 'oscilla', moving heads.

At the opposite ends of the Celtic world, Iberia and Scythia, the severed head is also found. Herodotus says: ”concerning the Scythians, who, as neighbours, if not relatives of the Thracians and the Celts, have had so many similar uses. The warrior Scythe drinks the blood of the first enemy he throws down on the ground at the fight. No matter how many he kills, he cuts them off to the king: it is by this way that he is entitled to a part of the booty, part in which he loses any title if he cannot show a head he has cut off. To strip the skull from the scalp, he makes a gash all the way around above the ears and, grabbing it (by the hair), he pulls the skull out; then, with a rib of beef, he cleans the scalp of all flesh and, softening it by rubbing it in his hands, he now uses it as a napkin.

The Scythian prides himself on these scalps and hangs them from his bridle; the more a man can show such towels, the more he is estimated. Many people make coats out of them by sewing a quantity together. As for the skulls of their enemies, not of all of them, but the most feared, they subject them to the treatment after removing the portion below the orbits and cleaned the inside, when the warrior is poor he covers up the interior with leather; when it is rich, he covers the interior with gold; in both cases the skull serves as a cup. When strangers come to visit, they pass these skulls, and the host tells them how he conquered them on enemies at war with him: all this is considered evidence of value. Once a year, the governor of each province, in a specific place, comes to fill a glass of wine where only Scythians drink who have killed enemies. Those who have killed a lot of people get to drink two cups.“

There are other texts, like from Pliny: ‘of the anthropophagi living ten days away in the northern Borysthenes who drink from human skulls whose hair serves as a towel', and Herodotus himself: ‘of the Issedones, neighbours of the Arimaspes, in whom the parents of the dead man, after cutting up his corpse and having him eaten with mutton, carefully preserve its skull set in gold to be used at the annual banquet given in memory of the dead’; Strabo also says for the Scythians the use of eating the flesh of strangers and drinking from the flesh of the their skulls. The king of the Pechegans who killed Sviatoslav, the first great prince of the Slavs, used his skull set in gold as a cup. Various sarcophagi, representing the adventures of Iphigenia and Orestes in Tauride, show the heads of the immolated foreigners, hanging from the Artemis tree tauropole . The Illyrian soldiers of Septimius Severus cut off the head of Albinus, whom the Emperor made to exhibit at the forum at the end of a pole. Avan Arbels, the chief of the Peonians brought back to Alexander the head of Satropatheus, the leader of the Persian cavalry. Mongolian elements are known to have mingled with the Persian cavalry, early to the Scythian populations, so we can recall here that a king of the Huns, before killing the Yue-chi in a fight, made of a skull of a prince a cup which he used for great ceremonies. The Turcomans hang the scalps from their saddle.

 Finally, it is necessary to recall here the role attributed to the head of the Gorgon: without doubt, the power to strike lightning on places whoever interviewed her comes from the fact that, with snakes stinging all around her, she's a personification of the thunderstorm roaring in the midst of the lightning that zebras the sky and hiss like fire serpents. But doesn't the custom of placing  a gorgon in the middle of the shield go up also to a belief of the ancestors of the Greeks in apotropaic value of the severed  head?

Let's move from the southeast to the southwest of the Celtic world. At Iberia, we don't know if the Celtiberians were cutting off , like their brothers in Gaul, the heads of the enemies killed; but, in the non-Celtic population, the custom seems to have existed. By all we know through Strabo is that the Lusitanians were cutting, to consecrate it to the god, the right hand of the prisoners that they weren't immolating to their Mars; the Romans used to cut off both hands at their prisoners, Gauls or Iberians. One might have wondered if in this use the origin derives of the hands painted on prehistoric caves of Spain like that of Altamira. Diodorus shows us, at the capture of Selinunte in 409 BC, the Iberian mercenaries of Carthage mutilating corpses to plant the heads on their spears and tie their hands in bundles to their belts.

As Diodorus associates in this episode the Libyans to the Iberians and that we know all the African affinities of the Iberians, perhaps this Iberian custom should be compared of those stacks of right hands and phalluses that are depicted at battle scenes at the end of the Egyptian bas-reliefs.  It is probably only for the Pharaoh's soldier to let it be known how many enemies he's killed or even taken prisoner, since these are mutilations that reduce to impotence without necessarily achieving life.

In Egypt, the head has had a very different importance: it is enough to recall the predynastic rite of the beheading of the dead; the stone heads, indestructible, deposited in the tomb; the "bearer of the royal chief" who, in the procession of the first Pharaohs, appears to have worn a image of the head of the living king; the prohibition to eat the head of the animals sacrificed; the reliquary, finally, erected in all the cities where Osiris reigned, this famous dadou, an enormous fetish in wood carved to represent the backbone of the god supporting a monstrous head where his was thought to be locked up.

We'll see the distant action further than we did in Gaul on pillars often reduced to the Osirian head surrounded with the "reds", the strangers whose reddish blond hair pointed them out as the culprits of Seth-Typhon, the enemy brother of Osiris. The use of to cut off the heads of the enemies and bring them in masse to the king finds himself also in Assyria and one of the reliefs of the Assyrian-Hethetian palace of Sindjerli. - For the Jews, it is enough to to recall Judith cutting off the head of Holofemus and David cutting off the head of Goliath.

We have reviewed all the classical texts which can provide information on the custom of cutting off the heads of the dead enemies among the Celts and neighboring or related peoples. We have yet to examine the documents from the Gauls themselves: on the one hand, the Celtic literature of the medieval times, which has been able to preserve traditions relating to the head cult; on the other hand, the monuments erected by the Gauls or the Gallo-Romans that relate to this warrior rite.

In the little time I have traveled through the Celtic epic of Wales and Ireland, I easily found legends which signal the symbolic importance of the head: they are related to the two national heroes, the Welsh Bran and the Irishman Cuchulaînn.

Bran -- the Bran of the Grail Gesture -- was sitting on the rock of Harlech in Merioneth when a fleet appeared escorting Matholwch, King of Ireland. The king came to ask the hand of Branwen, the Brangaine of Tristan, the sister of Bran; the giant granted it to him without leaving his rock. After a few years, Branwen was disgraced by Matholwch, and relegated to the kitchen girls. When Bran found out, he decided to avenge his sister. His men and he went to sea; but as no ship was large enough to carry him, he began to cross the sea on foot. Soon Erinn's pigs went to tell their king that they were the sea; beside it was a forest, and next to it, a large mountain flanked by two lakes on either side of a spur. Only Branwen could explain the prodigy: the forest was formed from the masts of her countrymen's ships; the mountain was her brother's head, the spur his nose, the lakes his eyes.

After many adventures, Bran succeeds to save his sister; but he received an arrow in his foot, poisoned. So he ordered the survivors of his army to cut off his head and take it home with him. They would have to move him to Harlech "and his company would also be as pleasant as it had ever been before it was separated from his body." From Harlech, they had to take it to Gwales, present day Gresholm; there they would feast in the company of his head so much that they didn’t open some door looking out on Cornwall. Once that door is open, they would have to get out set off for London and there, in the White Hill, burying his head with his eyes turned towards France. As long as the head would remain in that position, Britain would have nothing to do dreading an invasion from overseas. It is then that begins, in the Mabinogi, the story known as  l’ Urdawl Penn, the "Venerable Head", where we see his companions feast around the head that presides over them as if it was alive.

The great epic of Cuchulainn shows, in several passages, that the severed head was as powerful as in the Irish believe as in the Welsh. So, when Cuchulainn has cut off, with a single stroke of his sword, the heads of the sons of Blackwater, scouts of the enemy army, leaving their dead bodies and their corpses on their float, he only takes the bloody heads. - When, in spite of the religious prohibition, the enemy king speaks before his druid, 'his shield itself chops off his head'.

We must bring the memory of the great Irish idol that St. Patrick would have struck, already its name of Cenn Crûach, "the bloody head", is significant; it is bloody because humans were sacrificed to it, like in the Fomorians or Goborcbind (?), goat-headed demons; and, if the idol was called "the head", it was probably because it consisted only of a colossal head: since we are told that by the time Patrick hit it, the other idols around it plunged into the earth up to their necks and, adds the hagiographer, it's still in that state today. Isn't that an obvious reminder of the crouching god and horned of the Gauls, Cernunnos ? We know his head is always huge, oversized for the body, whether it's a triple or only with three faces; sometimes the head alone is shown; sometimes it is framed between two birds, advisors or messengers of the god'.

When we remember that Bran's head buried under a door in London was used in the Middle Ages for a talisman against any enemy from overseas, one may wonder if the "head of Saint Denys" kept at the gates of Paris didn't owe its reputation in part to a survival of the Gauls worshipping a god reduced to a head, a veneration that the Parisii may have shared, according to one of the altars of Our Lady with severed heads. It suffices to remark:

1. how strange is the popularity of this Greek saint if it could not be superimposed on some indigenous cult:

2. that in fact holy Denis only achieved its reputation thanks to the embassies of Pope Paul at  king Pépin the short and from Emperor Michael II the Stammerer to King Louis the Pious;

3. in order to authorize the worship of the holy cephalophores (saints who are generally depicted carrying their own head), only one phrase from St. John Chrysostome is found that states that the martyrs can confidently stand before the tribunal of God bearing in their hands their severed heads, witnessing their torment for faith. This is not much to explain the extension of the cult of St. Denis and the others holy cephalophores. Fr. Cahier counts no less than eighty of them.

(Adolphe Reinach, Revue Celtique 34, 1913.) 

Saturday, 10 October 2020

Gaelic Folklore (38): Esus

 


Esus

1.

 “A pillar dedicated to Jupiter by the 'Parisian mariners' between AD 14 and 37 was discovered in 1711 under the choir of the cathedral of Notre Dame in Paris.  One shows the god Esus cutting branches from a tree. In the other there is a similar tree with a bull surmounted by three birds. It bears the title Tarvos Trigaranus, 'The Bull with Three Cranes'. That these two adjacent scenes belong together is confirmed by a relief from Treves  in which a man, similarly dressed in short working tunic, appears to be hacking the trunk of a tree in whose foliage are visible the head of a bull and the same three birds. These three components, the sacred tree, the divine bull and the triad of otherworld birds, are familiar features of insular Celtic tradition, and obviously we have to do here with some episode from a myth.  Unfortunately its precise content can only be conjectured. Musee de Cluny, Paris. “ 

2.

“M. d'Arbois regards this as illustrating the Tain. Esus, the woodsman, is Cuchulainn; his action depicts what the hero did -- cutting down trees to bar the way of Medb's host; "Esus" is derived from words meaning "anger," "rapid motion," such as Cuchulainn often displayed. The bull is the Brown Bull; the birds are the forms in which Morrigan and her sisters appeared, though these bird-forms were those of the crow, not the crane; the personal names Donnotaurus is found in Gaul and is equivalent of the Donn Tarb -- the "Brown Bull." 

“Cúchulainn, who had spent the night with a woman (some say his wife, others say differently), woke up later that morning and when he went out he found the tracks of the passing army.

'I was foolish,' he said to Laeg. 'I have let an army through and gave no warning to Ulster.' Determined and angry at himself, he and Laeg made haste and eventually overtook the advancing force. He settled down at the ford at Áth Gabhla and cut a massive tree-fork with one slice and set it deep in the waters of the ford so no chariot could pass that way. As he was finishing his task the four sons of Urard mac Anchinne came upon him. He cut off their heads and impaled them on the four points of the tree-fork. The chariot horses returned to the armies and the men there saw all the blood on the animals and thought there was a battle-force awaiting them at the river at Áth Gabhla. A company of men were sent to inspect the place, but all they saw was the track-marks of one chariot, the four heads impaled of the tree-fork, and Ogam writing on the side of the fork.

When the army met up with the company at the river Medb could not recognise the heads and asked if they were of her people.

'They are," said Ailill, 'and the very best of them too. How could they have been killed so easily? And what does that blasted Ogam say now!'

One of the druids spoke out the writing: One man, using one hand, had placed this fork. None may pass therefore unless another man - again, not Fergus - could do likewise.

'Very well," said Ailill, 'we will not attempt this challenge yet, if at all, but the messages says nothing about removing the obstacle. I leave that to you, Fergus.'

Fergus broke fourteen chariots in the attempt to remove the embedded fork. Only when he hitched up his own horse and chariot did he succeed in removing the fork from the riverbed.”

(An Táin Bó Cuailgne: The Cattle-Raid of Cooley)


3. 

What is known of Esus?

“Esus: The Roman poet Lucan described in a poem, the Pharsalia, dating from the 1st c. AD, the last great battle in the civil war between Pompey and Caesar. In it, he alludes to the journey of Caesar's troops through southern Gaul and their encounter with three Gaulish gods: Taranis, Teutates and Esus (Pharsalia I, 444-6). Lucan describes this triad as cruel, savage and demanding of human sacrifice: 'horrid Esus with his wild altars'. In later commentaries on Lucan's poem, probably dating from the 9th c. from Berne, Esus is mentioned as being propitiated by human sacrifice: men were stabbed, hung in trees and allowed to bleed to death. The two commentators equate Esus with Mars and Mercury respectively, but this may not pose as great a problem as it first appears, since the word 'Esus' is not so much a name as a title, meaning 'Lord' or 'Good Master'.

Whilst the implication of Lucan's description is that Esus was an important and powerful Gaulish divinity, this is belied by the archaeological evidence in which Esus may be traced to only two monuments. The more significant stone forms part of the pillar dedicated to Jupiter by Parisian sailors in the reign of Tiberius. The block from Paris was found with five others in 1711 on the site of Notre-Dame. The Esus stone itself is inscribed with his name, and beneath this is a depiction of a muscular god chopping at a branch of a willow tree. On a juxtaposed scene is another willow, a bull and three cranes or egrets, with the inscription 'TARVOSTRIGARANUS'. Essentially similar iconography recurs on a 1st c. AD stone at Trier, where an unnamed woodcutter attacks a willow in which repose three egrets and the head of a bull.

The symbolism of the two monuments, whilst not identical, is sufficiently similar and idiosyncratic for it to be possible to identify the presence of Esus on both. In addition to the image of the woodman, the willow, the marsh birds and bull appear on the Paris and Trier images. The iconography is obscure, but there is a natural association between bulls, birds, and willows: egrets feed on parasites in cattle hide; they, like the willow, are inhabitants of marsh or water margin, and egrets nest in willows. The woodcutting scene is problematical in terms of interpretation. It has been suggested that Esus prunes the tree for sacrificial purposes. It may be that there is a cyclical imagery in the destruction and rebirth of the Tree of Life in winter and spring: the birds may represent the soul in flight, perhaps the soul of the tree itself; the bull could himself be a sacrificial beast. Seasonal imagery may also be present in the symbiotic relationship enjoyed between bull and birds, which are of mutual benefit to one another. Finally, it should be recalled that trees are associated with Esus not simply in the iconography buy also in the Berne commentaries which describe the fate of Esus' sacrificial victims.” 

4.

Three clues offer themselves to the meaning of this deity:

1. His name;

2. The kind of sacrifice offered to him;

3. The ritual act on the altars from Paris and Trier. We will examine them in turn.

The word "Esus" is not unknown in Gaulish. We find it in the personal names Esunertus, Esumagos, Eusmopas, Esugenus. This name is found in Irish Eogan, in Welsh Ewein, Owain; even simply as Hesus. Perhaps also the name of the Esuvii tribe belongs to it. The explanation of this word can be broken up further, however. Dom Martin seeks a connection with the Breton word (h)euzuz, meaning "terrible." Others have thought it from Italic aisus, esus, "God," and the Etruscan Erus or also from the Latin herus, "Lord, Master." On the other hand, Vendryes explains the name from esu, "good" (cf. Gk. eus and also archaic Indic asura); but we hardly get the impression of a good god from the Berne scholia. Others would like to derive it from the Indo-European root *is, "to desire;" then arguing the sense: the one who fulfills men's desires. Perhaps better might be the derivation from the root *eis, which means "energy, passion." These are, however, only possibilities, which prove one more time that one can't come far with etymology.

That the scholia of Bern refer to horrible sacrifices also give us few clues to the significance of the god. Already the expression membra digesserit cannot be understood. Must one understand by it, "to tear up, to cup up?" Or do we rather have to deal here with a disposition of the limbs after the blood has flowed out? It is important that the sacrifice would be hung from a tree, because a tree likewise stands out as full of meaning in the pictured representations. The objection that we hear only seldom of hanging rituals among the Celts and that the chopping off of lime is completely unknown says little. What do we know about the bases of Celtic sacrifice? What the classical authors have told us of it is in any case terrible enough. If we consider the reports of these sacrificial practices reliable, Esus must seem to us to be a god of little friendliness.

Finally, the portraits from both altars. To what purpose does the god strike a tree? It seems to me completely erroneous to think of a simple forester god, and to connect Esus with clearing-work, or to see in him at all a manual laborer who provided the nautae of Paris with the necessary workforce for their ships. Likewise it is incorrect that the cutting down of trees would be regarded as a death, and then further to remind us of Maypole rituals. It seems even more to me that Esus in the picture is cutting the limbs of a tree; if one imagines that sacrifices for him were only just hung on the tree, once comes perhaps to the conclusion that god would have been shown here by the injury of a tree for the hanging-sacrifice.

We must admit, with W. Deonna, that the meaning of the myth is for us incomprehensible; perhaps the picture only refers to a single piece of the ritual. At any rate, I would like to assert that there can be not talk of a "rural" god of clearing-work. The relief of the blocks from Paris represents him in the same rank as Jupiter and Volcanus. The Berne scholiasts compare him with the great Roman god; it remains only questionable whether he is Mercury or Mars or perhaps neither of them. The Esus-complex has also been compared with Hercules, and it has been pointed out in that regard that figures of bas-reliefs with the name Smert… are themselves found; one could consequently think of a Gaulish Herakles or Donar, thus of a god of physical strength.

But that will not explain the hanging-sacrifice. When one accordingly takes this into consideration, the comparison with Mercury gains special meaning. If the German Mercury is simply Woden-Odhin, this go stands in undoubted connection with an act of sacrifice by means of hanging. It can likewise be said of both gods that they are also gods who protect travel: Odhin is called: [ed. note: obscured], thus "god of cargo;" he gives mariners good winds. The Paris altar was erected by nautae. On the other hand, one is reminded how cautious one must be with one's interpretation. Great gods are always ambivalent; their power extends into many areas of life. Odhin is not only a god of force, but of tricks and intrigues, of crafts and skillfulness. Exactly for these reasons could the mariners have worshipped him. The god to whom the hanging-sacrifice was offered was also, however, a cruel god. In that vein one could point to the name "Esus," if one accepts O'Rahilly's etymology; but also the interpretation of Vendryes deserves consideration, if one thinks that the name "the good god" is perhaps to be considered as only a euphemism.

All in all: the account of the hanging-sacrifice and the picture on the Paris altar sets out as the nearest course of assumption that Esus was a name for the head god of the Gauls and perhaps most likely to be compared to Mercury and the northern Germanic Odhin.

 (1)  Proinsias Mac Cana, Celtic Mythology.

 (2)  John A. MacCulloch, Celtic Mythology.

 (3)  Miranda J. Green, Dictionary of Celtic Myth and Legend.

 (4) Jan de Vries, Keltische Religion.

 

1  

Friday, 21 June 2019

Gaelic Folklore (18): Badb


 18.
Badb

This article deals with the character of Badb, the Irish war goddess, who later became a fairy queen. Her character is sketched according to the descriptions in the books and manuscripts that have been handed down from ancient times.  I have taken the liberty - for the sake of readability - to remove the quotes in Gaelic from the text and to include them as footnotes. This article was previously published in Revue Celtique vol 1 in Paris, France in 1870. 

What follow are descriptions and tales from that source: 

Badb, the Ancient Irish Goddess of War

The discovery of a Gallo-Roman inscription, forms the subject of one of those essays from the pen of the veteran philologist for which the students of Celtic languages and archæology cannot be sufficiently thankful. The inscription, the initial letter of which has been destroyed by an injury to the stone on which it is cut, reads: athuboduæ Aug[ustæ] Servilia Terenta [votum] s[olvit]  l[ibens] m[erito].

M. Pictet’s essay is entitled Sur une Déese Gauloise de la Guerre; and if he is right in his suggestion (which is very probably) that the letter destroyed was a c, and that ATHUBODVÆ should be read CATHUBODVÆ, the title is not inappropriate; and in the CATHUBODVÆ of the inscription we may recognise the badb-catha of Irish mythology.

The etymology of the name athubodua, or cathubodua. The first member of the name (cathu, = Irish cath, «pugna») presents but little difficulty to a Celtic scholar like M. Pictet, who would however prefer finding it written catu, without aspiration, as more nearly approaching the rigid orthography of Gaulish names, in which it is very frequently found as the first element; but the second member, bodua, although entering largely into the composition of names amongst all the nations of Celtic origin from the Danube to the islands of Aran, is confessedly capable of explanation only through the medium of the Irish, with its corresponding forms of bodb or badb (pron. bov or bav), originally signifying rage, fury, or violence and ultimately implying a witch, fairy, or goddess, represented by the bird known as the scare-crow, scald-crow, or Royston-crow.


he ancient tracts, romances, and battle pieces preserved in our Irish MSS. teem with details respecting this Badb-catha and her so-called sisters, Neman, Macha, and Morrigan or Morrigu (for the name is written in a double form), who are generally depicted as furies, witches, or sorceresses, able to confound whole armies, even in the assumed form of a bird. Popular tradition also bears testimony to the former widespread belief in the magical powers of the Badb. In most parts of Ireland the Royston-crow, or fennóg liath na gragarnaith (“the chattering grey  fennóg”), as she is called by the Irish speaking people, is regarded at the present day with feelings of mingled dislike and curiosity by the peasantry, who remember the many tales of depredation and slaughter in which the cunning bird is represented as exercising a sinister influence. Nor is this superstition confined to Ireland alone. The popular tales of Scotland and Wales, which are simply the echo of similar stories once current and still not quite extinct in Ireland, contain requent allusion to this mystic bird. The readers of the Mabinogion will call to mind, amongst other instances, the wonderful crows of Owain, prince of Rheged, a contemporary of Arthur, which always secured factory by the aid of the three hundred crows under its command: and in Campbell’s Popular Tales of the West Highlands we have a large stock of legends, in most of which the principal fairy agency is exercised by the hoodie or scare-crow.

t may be observed, by the way, that the name hoody, formerly applied by the Scotch to the hooded crow or the scare-crow, from its appearance, is now generally applied to its less intelligent relative the common carrion crow. But the hoody of Highland fairy mythology is, nevertheless, the same as the badb or Royston crow. 

I have referred to Neman, Macha, and Morrigu, as the so called sisters of the Badb. Properly speaking, however, the name Badb seems to have been the distinctive title of the mythological beings supposed to rule over battle and carnage. M. Pictet feels a difficulty in deciding whether there were three such beings, or whether Neman, Macha, and Morrigu are only three different names for the same goddess; but after a careful examination of the subject I am inclined to believe that these names represent three different characters, the attributes of Neman being like those of a being who confounded her victims with madness, whilst Morrigu incited to deeds of valour, or planned strife and battle, and Macha revelled amidst the bodies of the slain.

he popular notions regarding the identity of the battle furies with the royston-crow are accurately given in the Irish Dictionary compiled by the late Peter O’Connell, an excellent Irish scholar, who died some 60 years ago, and the original of whose excellent vocabulary is preserved in the British Museum. Thus:
Badb-catha is explained “finnóg, a royston crow, a squall crow”.
“Badb, i.e. bean sidhe, a female fairy, phantom, or spectre, supposed to be attached to certain families, and to appear sometimes in the form of squall crows, or royston crows”.
“Macha; i.e. a royston crow”.
“Morrighain; i.e. the great fairy”.
“Neamhan; i.e. Badb catha nó feannóg; a badb catha or a royston crow”.
Similar explanations are also given by the other modern glossaries.

he task of elucidating the mythological character of these fairy queens has not been rendered easier by the labours of the etymologists, from Cormac to O’Davoren. Thus, in Cormac’s glossary, Nemain is said to have been the wife of Neit, “the god of battle with the pagan Gaeidhel”. In the Battle of Magh-Rath (she is called Be nith gubhach Neid, “the battle-terriffic Be-Neid”, or “wife of Neid”. In an Irish MS., Neit is explained “guin duine .i. gaisced; dia catha. Nemon a ben, u test Be Neid;”. A poem in the Book of Leinster, couples Badb and Neman as the wives of Neid or Neit:

Neit mac Indui sa di mnai,
Badb ocus Nemaind cen goi,
Ro marbtha in Ailiuch cen ail,
La Neptuir d’Fhomorchaibh.

“Neit son of Indu, and his two wives,
Badb and Neamin, truly,
Were slain in Ailech, without blemish,
By Neptur of the Fomorians”.

n the same MS., Fea and Nemain are said to have been Neit’s two wives;  and if Fea represents Badb, we have a good notion of the idea entertained of her character, for Cormac states that Fea meant: “everything most hateful”. But in the poem on Ailech printed from the Dinnsenchus in the “Ordinance Memoir of Templemore, Nemain only is mentioned as the wife of Neit, from whom Ailech was called Ailech-Neit; and it is added that she was brought from Bregia, or Meath.

In the Irish books of genealogy, Fea and Neman are said to have been the two daughters of Elcmar of the Brugh (Newgrange, near the Boyne), who was the son of Delbaeth, son of Ogma, son of Elatan, and the wives of Neid son of Indae, from whom Ailech-Neid is named. Badb, Macha, and Morrigan (who is also called Ana, are described as the three daughters of Delbaeth son of Neid. And it is stated that Ernmas, daughter of Ettarlamh, son of Nuada Airged-lamh (King of the Tuatha-de-Danann), was the mother of the five ladies.

n other authorities, however Morrigan is said to have been Neit’s wife. For instance, in the very ancient tale called Tochmarc Emhire, or Courtship of Emir, fragments of which are preserved in the Lebor na hUidhre and the book of Fermoy, Morrigan is described as an badb catha, ocus is fria idberiur Bee Neid, i.e. bandea in cathae, uair is inan Neid ocus dia Catha ;i.e. “the badb of battle; and of her is said Bee-Neid, i.e. goddess of battle, for Neid is the same as god of battle”. A gloss in the Lebor Buidhe Lecain explains Machæ thus: badb, no asi an tres Morrigan; mesrad machæ, .i. cendæ doine iar na nairlech; i.e. “a scald crow; or she is the third Morrigan (great queen); Macha’s fruit crop, i.e. the heads of men that have been slaughtered:. The same explanation, a little amplified, is also given in the MS. H. 3. 18. where the name Badb is written Bodb, as it is elsewhere, and it is added that Bodb, Macha, and Morrigan were the three Morrigna. In the same glossary under the word  be neit, we have the further explanation:—Neit nomen viri; Nemhon a ben; ba neim-nech in lanomuin; be ben i.e.  in badhb, ocus net cath, ocus olca diblinuib; inde dicitur beneit fort”. i.e.  “Neit nomen viri; Nehmon was his woman (wife); venomous were the pair; be a woman, i.e. the badhb, and net is battle; and both were evil; inde dicitur beneit  fort (“evil upon thee”). Another gloss in the same collection, on the word gudomain, bears on the subject under consideration. It is as follows:—Gudomain, .i. fennoga no bansigaidhe; ut est glaidhomuin goa, .i. na demuin goach, na morrigna; no go conach demain iat na bansigaide go connach demain iffrin iat acht demain aeoir na fendoga; no eamnait andlaedha na sinnaigh, ocus eamnait a ngotha na fendoga; i.e. “gudomain, i.e. scald crows or fairy women; utest glaidhumuin goahe false demons; “it is false that the fendoga (scald crows) are not hellish but aery demons: the foxes double their cries, but the fennoga double their sounds”. To understand this curious gloss it is necessary to add that in a previous one the word glaidomuin is explained as signifying sinnaig, or maic tire (foxes or wolves), because in barking they double their sound; glaidomuin being understood by the glossarist as glaid-emain, i.e. “double call”, from glaid, “call”, and enain “double,” while the crow only doubles the sound, gath-emain, “double-sound”. Cormac explains guidemainas uatha ocus morrigna, i.e. “spectres and great queens”.
Let us take leave of these etymological quibbles, and examine the mythological character of the badb, as portrayed in the materials still remaining to us.

s mostly all the supernatural beings alluded to in Irish fairy lore are referred to the Tuatha-de-Danann. The older copies of the Lebor Gabhala, or “Book of Occupation” that preserved in the Book of Leinster for instance, specifies Badb, Macha, and Ana (from the latter of whom are named the mountains called da cich Anann, or the Paps, in Kerry), as the daughters of Ernmas, one of the chiefs of that mythical colony. Badb ocus Macha ocus Anand, diatat cichi Anand il- Luachair, tri ingena Ernbais, na ban tuathige; “Badb, and Macha, and Anand from whom the “paps of Anann (It is rather an interesting fact that near the mountain called Da-Cich-Anann, there is a fort called Lis-Babha, or the fort of the Badb.) in Luachair are [called], the three daughters of Ernmais, the ban-tuathaig”. In an accompanying versification of the same statement the name of Anand or Ana, however, is changed to Morrigan:

“Badb is Macha mét indbáis,
Morrigan fotla felbáis,
Indlema ind ága ernbais,
Ingena ana Ernmais

“Badb and Macha, rich in store,
Morrigan who dispenses confusion,
Compassers of death by the sword,
Noble daughters of Ernmas”.

t is important to observe that Morrigan is here identified with Anann, or Ana (for Anann is the gen. form); and in Cormac’s Glossary Ana is described as Mater deorum Hibernensium; robu maithdin rosbiathadsi na dee de cujus nominee da cich Nanainne iar Luachair nominantur ut fertur; i.e. “Mater deorum Hibernensium; well she used to nourish the gods de cujus nominee the ‘two paps of Ana’ in west Luachair are named” Under the name Buanand the statement is more briefly repeated. The historian Keating enumerates Badb, Macha, and Morrighan as the three goddesses of the Tuatha-de-Danann; but he is silent as to their attributes. It would seem, however, that he understood Badb to be the proper name of one fairy, and not a title for the great fairy queens.

In the Irish tales of war and battle, the Badb is always represented as foreshadowing, by its cries, the extent of the carnage about to take place, or the death of some eminent personage. Thus in the ancient battle-story, called Bruiden da Choga, the impending death of Cormac Condloinges, the son of Conor Mac Nessa, is foretold in these words:
Badb bel derg giarfid fon tech; Bo collain bet co sirtech.”
“The red-mouthed Badbs will cry around the house, For bodies they will be solicitious.”
And again:
“Grecfaidit badba banae”, “Pale badbs shall shriek.”

In the very ancient tale called Tochmarc Feirbe, or the “Courtship of Ferb:, a large fragment of which is preserved in the Book of Leinster, the druid Ollgaeth, prophesying the death of Mani, the son of Queen Medb, through the treachery of King Conor Mac Nessa, says:

“Brisfid badb
Bid brig borb,
Tolg for Medb;
Ilar écht,
Ar for slùag,
Trúag in deilm  

Badb will break;
Fierce power will be
Hurled at Medbh;
Many deeds—
Slaughter upon the host—
Alas! the uproar.”

In the account of the battle of Cnucha (or Castleknock, near Dublin), preserved in a 14th century MS., the druid Cunallis, foretelling the slaughter, says:
Biagh bádba os bruinnibh na bfear,  “Badbs will be over the breasts of men .”

In the description of the battle of Magh-Tuiredh, it is said that just as the great conflict was about to begin, the “badbs, and bledlochtana, and idiots shouted so that the were heard in clefts and in cascades, and in the cavitites of the earth; badba ocus bledlocktana, ocus amaite, go clos anallaib, ocus a nesaib, ocus a fothollaib in talnian.

In the battle of Magh-Rath it is the “gray-haired Morrigu “(scald-crow), that shouts victory over the head of Domhnall son of Ainmire, as Dubgdiadh sings:

Fuil os a chind ag eigmigh
Caillech lom, luath ag leimnig
Os eannaib a narm sa sciath,
Is i in Morrigu mongliath.

“Over his head is shrieking
A lean hag, quickly hopping
Over the points of their weapons and shields
She is the gray-haired Morrigu.”

In the account of the massacre of the Irish Kings by the Aithech-tuatha, preserved in the Book of Fermoy, it is stated that after the massacre: ba forbhailidh badhbh derg dasachta, ocus ba bronach banchuire don treis sin; “Gory Badb was joyful, and women were sorrowful, for that conflict.”

n the enumeration of the birds and demons that assembled to gloat over the slaughter about to ensue from the clash of the combatants at the battle of Glontarf, the badb is assigned the first place. The description is truly terrible, and affords a painful picture of the popular superstition at the time. “There arose a wild, impetuous, precitpitate, mad, inexorable, furious, dark, lacerating, merciless, combative, contentious badb, which was shrieking and fluttering over their heads. And there arose also the satyrs, and sprites, and the maniacs of the valleys, and the witches, and goblins, and owls, and destroying demons of the air and firmament, and the demoniac phantom host; and they were inciting and sustaining valour and battle with them.” (1.) —“Cogadh Gaedhel re Gallaibh.”
So also in the account of the battle fought between the men of Leinster and Ossory, in the year 870, contained in the Brussells Fragments of Irish Annals, the appearance of the badb is followed by a great massacre: “Great indeed was the din and tumult that prevailed between them at this time, and Badb appeared among them, and there was great destruction between them to and fro.” (2.)

ut the Badbs could do more than scream and flutter. Thus we read in the first battle of Magh-Tuiredh, that when the Tuatha-de-Danann had removed to the fastness of Connacht, to Sliabh-Belgadain, or Cenn-duibh-slebhe, that Badb, Macha, and Morrigu exercised their magical powers to keep the Fir-bolgs in ignorance of the westward movement. “Then the Badb, and Macha, and Morrigu went to the hill of hostage-taking, the tulach which heavy hosts frequented, to Temhair (Tara), and they shed druidically formed showers, and fog-sustaining shower-clouds, and poured down from the air, about the heads of the warriors, enormous masses of fire, and streams of red blood; and they did not permit the Fir-Bolgs to scatter or separate for the space of three days and three nights.” (3.)  It is stated, however, that the Fir-Bolg druids ultimately overcame this sorcery. And in the battle of Magh-Tuiredh they are represented as assisting the Tuatha-de-Danann. Thus, in the account of the third day’s conflict we read i.e. “The chieftains who assisted the Tuatha-de-Danannon that day were Ogma, and Midir, and Bodb Derg, and Diancecht, and Aebgabha of Norway. ‘We will go with you,’ said the daughters, viz:—Badb, and Macha, and Morrigan, and  Danann (or Anann).” (4.)

nother instance of the warlike prowess of these fairies is related in a curious mythological tract preserved in the Books of Lismore and Fermoy. I refer to the Hallow-eve dialogue between the fairy Rothniab and Finghen Mach-Luchta, in which the fairy enumerates the several mystical virtues attached to that pagan festival, and amongst others the following, referring to an incident arising from the battle of the Northern Magh-Tuiredh, or “Magh-Tuiredh of the Fomorians.” 
‘And what other virtue, ‘asked Finghen. 
‘Not difficult to tell,” said the woman. There were four persons who fled before the Tuatha-de-Danann from the battle of Magh-Tuiredh, so that they were ruining corn, and  milk, and fruit-crops, and sea produce; viz: one of them in Slemna-Maighe-Itha, whose name was Redg; one of them in SliabhSmoil, whose name was Grenu; another man of them in Dromanna-Cruachan, whose name was Tinel. This night [i.e. on a similar night] they were expelled from Eriu by the Morrigan, and by Badb of sidh-Femain,and by Midir of  Brig-leith, and Mac-ind-oig, so that Fomorian depredators should never more be over Eriu. Book of Fermoy, (5)

n the grand old Irish epic of the Tain Bo Cuailnge, Badb (or Bodb) plays a very important part.  Neman confounds armies, so that friendly bands fall in mutual slaughter whilst Macha is pictured as a fury that riots and revels among the slain. But certainly the grandest figure is that of Morrigu, whose presence intensifies the hero, nerves his arm for the cast, and guides the course of the unerring lance. As in this epic the first place in valour and prowess is given to Cuchullain, the Hector of the Gaeidhel, it is natural to expect that he should be represented as the special favourite of the supernatural powers. And so it is; for we read that the Tuatha-de-Danann endowed him with great attributes. In that passage of the Tain where Cuchullain is described as jumping into his chariot to proceed to fight Firdia Mac Demain, the narrative says “the satyrs, and sprites, and maniacs of the valleys, and demons of the air shouted about him, for the Tuatha-de-Danann were wont to impart their valour to him, in order that he might be more feared, more dreaded, more terrible, in every battle and battle-field, in every combat and conflict, into which he went.” So, when the forces of Queen Medb arrive at Magh-Tregham, in the present county of Longford, on the way to Cuailnge, Neman appears amongst them. (6.) “Then the Neman, i.e. Badb, attacked them, and that was not the most comfortable night with them, from the uproar of the giant Dubtach through his sleep. The bands were immediately startled, and the army confounded, until Medb went to check the confusion.” Lebor na hUidhre. (7.)

nd in another passage, in the episode called Breslech Maighe Muirthemhne, where a terrible description is given of Cuchullain’s fury at seeing the hostile armies of the south and west encamped within the borders of  Uladh, we are told (Book of Leinster): “He saw from him the ardent sparkling of the bright golden weapons over the heads of the four great provinces of Eriu, before the fall of the cloud of evening. Great fury and indignation seized him on seeing them, at the number of his opponents and at the multitude of his enemies. He seized his two spears, and his shield and his sword, and uttered from his throat a warrior’s shout, so that sprites, and satyrs, and maniacs of the valley, and the demons of the air responded, terror-stricken by the shout which he had raised on high. And the Neman, i.e. the Badb, confused the army; and the four provinces of Eriu dashed themselves against the points of their own spears and weapons, so that one hundred warriors died of fear and trembling in the middle of the fort and encampment that night.” (8.)

f the effects of this fear inspired by the Badb was geltacht or lunacy, which, according to the popular notion, affected the body no less than the mind, and, in fact, made its victims so light that they flew through the air like birds. A curious illustration of this idea is afforded by the history of Suibhne, son of Colman Cuar, king of Dal- Araidhe, who became panic-stricken at the battle of Magh-Rath, and performed extraordinary feats of agility. Another remarkable instance will be found in the Fenian Romance called Cath-Finntragha (Battle of Ventry Harbour), where Bolcan, a king of France, is stated to have been seized with geltacht at the sight of Oscur, son of Oisin, so that he jumped into the air, alighting in the beautiful valley called Glenn-na-ngealt (or “the Glen of the Lunatics”), twenty miles to the east of Ventry Harbour, whither, in the opinion of the past generation, all the lunatics of the country would go, if unrestrained, to feed on the cure-imparting water cresses that grow there over the well called Tobar na ngealt, or the “well of the lunatics”. In the same tale it is also said that those who heard the shouts of the invading armies on landing were surprised that they were not carried away by the wind and lunacy: “ba hiongna le gach dá gcúaladna garrtha sin gan dol re gaoith agus re gealtachus doib.” Persons are also represented as frightened to madness on observing the fight between Cuchullain and Ferdia, which forms the chief episode in the Tain bo Cuailgne.

gain, in the battle of Almha (or the Hill of Allen, near Kildare), fought in the year 722, between Murchadh, king of Laighen, and Ferghal, monarch of Ireland, where “the red- mouthed, sharp-beaked badb croaked over the head of Ferghal,” (ro lao badb belderg biorach iolach um cenn Fergaile), we are told that nine persons became thus affected. The Four Masters (A.D. 718) represent them as “fleeing in panic and lunacy,” (do lotar hi faindeal ocus I ngealtacht). Other annalists describe them in similar terms. Thus, Mageoghegan, in his translation of the “Annals of Clonmacnoise,” says they “flyed in the air as if they were winged fowle.” O’Donovan (in notes to the entries in his edition of the Four Masters, and Fragments of Annals) charges Mageoghegan with misrepresenting the popular idea; but Mageoghegan represented it correctly, for in the Chronicum Scotorum the panic-stricken at this battle are called “volatiles,” or gealta. May we not therefore seek, in this vulgar notion, the origin of the word “flighty” as applied to persons of eccentric mind?
But although, as we have seen, the assistance given to Cuchullain by Neman was both frequent and important, the intervention of Morrigu in his behalf is more constant. Nay, he seems to have been the object of her special care. She is represented as meeting him sometimes in the form of a woman, but frequently in the shape of a bird—most probably a crow. Although, apparently, his tutelary goddess, the Morrigu seems to have been made the instrument, through the decree of a cruel fate, in his premature death. 

he way was thus: In the territory of Cuailnge, near the Fews Mountains, dwelt a famous bull, called the Donn Cuailgne (or Brown [Bull] of Cuailgne), a beast so huge that thrice fifty youths disported themselves on his back together. A certain fairy, living in the caves of Cruachan, in the county of Roscommon, had a cow, which she bestowed on her mortal husband, Nera, and which the Morrigu carried off to the great Donn Cualgne, and the calf that issued from this association was fated to be the cause of the Tain Bo Cuailgne. The event is told in the tale called Tain Be Aingen, one of the prefatory stories to the great epic, which thus speaks of the Morrigan. “The Morrigan afterwards carried off his [Nera’s] son’s cow, so that the Donn Cuailgne consorted with her in the east in Cuailgne. She went westward again with the cow. Cuchullain met with her in Magh-Muirthemhne whilst crossing over it; for it was of Cuchullain’s prohibitions that even a woman should leave his territory unless he wished. . .  Cuchullain overtook the Morrigan, and he said: “the cow shall not be carried off.” (9.) But the Morrigan whom Cuchullain probably did not recognise in the form of a woman, succeeds in restoring the cow to her owner.

ll the while, Morrigan seems to watch over the interests of the Ultonians. Thus when, after the death of Lethan at the hands of Cuchullain, Medbh endeavoured, by a rapid and bold movement, to surround and take possession of the Donn Cuailgne, we find her acquainting the Donn Cuailgne with the danger of his position, and advising him to retire into the impenetrable fastness of the Fews.
“It was on that very day that the Donn Cuailgne came to Crich-Margin, and fifty heifers of the heifers about him. . .  It was the same day Morrigu, daughter of Ernmas, from the Sidhe, came [in the form of a bird—Lebor na hUidhre] and perched on the pillar stone in Temair of Cuailnge, giving notice to the Donn Cuailnge before the men of Erui; and she proceeded to speak with him, and said, ‘Well thou poor thing, thou Donn Cuailnge; take care, for the men of Eriu will come to thee, and they will take thee to their fortress if you do not take care. ‘And she went on warning him in this wise, and uttered these words aloud.” Here follows a short and very obscure poem to the same effect], Book of Leinster. (10.)

mmediately after the foregoing incident the narrative, as preserved in the Lebor na hUidhre, represents Cuchullain and Morrigu as playing at cross-purposes. I have suggested that Cuchullain did not appear to recognise the Morrigu when she met him in the form of a woman, in the scene quoted from the Tain Be Aingen. He seems similarly ignorant of her identity on other occasions, when she is said to have presented herself before him in female shape. Let us take, for example, the episode entitled Imacallaim na Morigna fri Coincullain,—“Dialogue of the Morrigan with Cuchullain, “which preceeds his fight with Loch, son of Ernonis.
“Cu saw the young woman dressed in garments of every hue, and of most distinguished form, approaching him. ‘Who art thou?’ asked Cu. 
‘The daughter of Buan, the King,’ said she; ‘I have come to thee; I have loved thee for they renown, and have brought with me my jewels and my cattle.’
‘Not good is the time thou hast come,’ said he. It is not easy for me to associate with a woman whilst I may be engaged in this conflict.’
'I will be of assistance to thee therein,’ replied she.
‘Not by woman’s favour have I come here, ‘responded Cuchullain.
’Twill be hard for thee,’ said she, ‘when I go against thee whilst encountering men. I will go in the form of an eel under thy feet, in the ford, so that thou shalt fall.’
‘More likely, indeed, than a king’s daughter; but I will grasp thee between my fingers,’ said he, ‘so that thy ribs shall break, and thou shalt endure that blemish forever.’
‘I will collect the cattle upon the ford towards thee, in the shape of a grey-hound,’ said she.
‘I shall hurl a stone at thee from the sling,’ said he, ‘which will break thine eye in the head; and thou shalt be under that blemish for ever.’
‘I will go against thee in the form of a red hornless heifer before the herd, and they shall defile the pools, and fords, and linns, and thou shalt not find me there before thee’
‘I will fling a stone at thee,’ said he, ‘which will break thy right leg under thee; and thou shalt be under that blemish for ever,’
With that she departed from him.” (11.)

n some MSS. The foregoing dialogue forms the principal feature in a romantic tale called Tain Bo Rgeamhna, which, like the Tain Be Aingen, is one of the prefatory stories to the great Cattle Spoil. Like the Tain Be Aingen, also, it introduces the Morrigu in the character of a messenger of the fate that had decreed the death of Cuchullain when the issue of the Donn Cuailnge and the Connacht cow should have attained a certain age. But the Tain Bo Regamhna is further important, as connecting the Morrigu with Cuchullain, in the position of protector. The tale, which is too long to quote in extenso, represents Cuchullain as one morning meeting the Morrigu in the form of a red-haired woman, driving a cow through the plain of Murthemne, as related in Tain Be Aingen. Cuchullain, in his quality of guardian of the border district, tries to prevent her from proceeding; and after a great deal of argument during which Cuchullain seems  not to know his opponent, the woman and cow disappear, and Cuchullain percieves that she has become transformed into a bird, which perches on an adjacent tree. Cuchullain, as soon as he become aware that he had been contending with a supernatural being, confident in his own might, boasts that if he had known the character of his opponent, they would not have separated as they did; whereupon the following exchange of sentiments takes place:
‘What hast thou done?’ asked she; ‘Evil will ensue to thee therefrom.’
‘I care not,’ said Cuchullain.
‘But I do,’ said the woman (i.e. the bird or badb); it is protecting thee I was, am, and will be,’ said she. I brought this cow from Sidh-Cruachna, so that the Dubh Cuailnge, i.e. Daire Mac Fiachna’s bull, met her in Cuiailnge. The length of time you have to live is until the calf that is in this cow’s body will be a yearling; and it is it that shall lead thee to the Tain bo Cuailnge.’
‘I will be illustrious on account of that Tain,’ observed Cuchullain; ‘I shall wound their warriors, break their great battles, and I will be in pursuit of the Tain.’ (Lebor Buidhe Lecain).  
Then the Morrigu threatens to act to Cuchullain in the way detailed in the dialogue which I have just quoted; and, as the tale concludes, “the Badb afterwards goes away.” (luid ass in Badb iarum). (12.)

he Morrigu puts her threats into execution during Cuchullain’s fight with Loch, son of Ernonis. The narrative in Lebor na hUidhre describes the encounter in the following manner:
“When the men met afterwards in the ford, and when they commenced fighting, and assaulting, and when each man began to strike the other, the escongon (eel) made a triple twist round  Cuchullain’s legs, so that he was lying down prostrate across in the ford. Loch struck him with his sword, and the ford was gory-red from his blood... Thereupon he arose and struck the eel, so that her ribs broke in her. And the cattle rushed violently past the army, eastwards, carrying the tents on their horns, at the sound made by the two warriors in the ford. He (Cuchullain) drove to the west the wolf-hound that collected the cows against him; and cast a stone out of his sling at it, which broke its eye in its head. Then she (Morrigu) went in the shape of a short hornless red heifer before the cows, and advanced into the linns and fords; when he said:‘I see not the fords with the pools.’
He cast a stone at the red hornless heifer, and broke her leg.” (13.) it is added that “it was then truly that Cuchullain did to the Morrigu the three things which he had promised to accomplish, in the Tain Bo Regamna;” (is andsin tra do géni  Cuchullainn frisin Morrigain a tréde do rairngert di hi tain bó Regamna;” ib).

ith respect to the instances of transformation already referred too, it may be pertinent to quote the following, which is given in an account of the battle alleged to have been fought at Tailte between the Milesian forces and Eire, queen of Mac Greine, king of the Tuath-de-Danann,  who acted in the capacity of a war goddess. The Milesian chiefs are represented as having advanced as far north as the hill of Uisnech, when it is added: “They saw the one woman, smooth-red, large, black-browed, in the shape of two... approaching them. The hosts wondered with constant observation of her behaviour and changefulness. At one moment she was a broad-eyed, most beautiful queen, and another time… a beaked, white-grey badb… She sits down in the presence of Eremon; she enjoins her protection on Emir. ‘What country hast thou come from, and what companion dost thou associate with, and what name is to be addressed to thee, o woman, asked Eremon. ‘From the ardent Tuatha de Danann I have come truly,’ said she, ‘and Mac Greni, warrior, is my husband, and Eriu is my name, ‘said the woman.” Ms. H. 4. 22.  (14.) And Aimhirgin asks, immediately after the preceding dialogue, ca ni chuingi etir, a ingin ilrechtach; “what do you request, o woman of many shapes,” the latter epithet being used in allusion to the frequent transformations referred to before. The account further represents her as fighting a battle with the chiefs in question, in the form of a badb.

he next meeting between Cuchullain and the Morrigan is very curious. It is thus related: “Then the Morrigu, daughter of Ernmas, came from the Sidhe, in the form of an old woman, and was milking a three-teated cow in his presence. The reason she came was, in order to be helped by Cuchullainn; for no one whom Cuchullainn wounded could recover unless he himself had some hand in the cure. Cuchullain asked her for milk, after having been troubled with thirst. She gave him the milk of one teat. “May I be safe from poison therefor.” The queen’s eye was cured. He asked her again for the milk of a teat. She gave it to him. “May the giver be safe from poison.” He asked for the third drink, and she gave him the milk of a teat. “The blessings of gods and men be on thee, woman (the people of power were their gods, and the wise people were their andée “non divine:); and the queen was cured.” (15.)

hen the time approached in which Cuchullainn should succumb to the decree of fate, as previously announced to him by Morrigan, the impending loss of her favourite hero appears to have affected her with sorrow. The night before the fatal day when his head and spoils were borne off in triumph by Erc Mac Cairpre, Morrigan, we are told, disarranged his chariot, do delay his departure for the fated meeting. Thus we read in the Aided Conchullainn, or “Tragedy of Cuchullainn,” contained in the Book of Leinster that when he approached his horse, the Liath Macha, in the last morning of his existence, this faithful companion of his many victories “thrice turned his left side” towards his master, as an augury of his doom so soon to await him; and he found that “the Morrigan had broken the chariot the night previous, for she liked not that Cuchullainn should go to the battle, as she knew that he would not again reach Emain Macha.” (16.) Then follows a curious scene between Cuchullainn and Liath Macha or “grey horse of Macha,” the hero reminding his steed of the time when the Badb accompanied them in their martial feats at Emain Macha, or Emania (rodonbai badb in Emain Macha), and the Liath, becoming so affected at the impending fate of his master, co tarlaic a bolgdera móra fola for a dib traigthib, “that he dropped his big tears of blood on his (Cuchullain’s) two feet.” The grief of the Liath Macha, and the arts of the Morrigu, were of no avail, Cuchullain would go to the field of battle, impelled by the unseen power which ruled his destiny. 

ut before he approaches the foe, he meets with three female idiots, blind of the left eye, cooking a charmed dog on spits made of the rowan tree; creatures of hateful aspect and wicked purpose. 
Cuchullain’s strength must be annihilated, or the fates will have decreed in vain; and this can only be done through his partaking of the horrid dish, which he resolves to do rather than tarnish his chivalrous reputation by refusing the request of the witches, although aware of the tragic results about to ensue, The strength of the hero is paralyzed by the contact with the unclean food handed to him from the witch’s left hand; and Cuchullainn rushes headlong to his doom. But still the Morrigan does not abandon him, although apparently quite powerless to assist him; for as he comes near to the enemy, “a bird of valour” is seen flying about over the chief in his chariot (en blaith, i.e. lon gaile, etarluamnach uasa erra oen charpait). And after he has received his death-wound she perches beside him awhile, before winging her flight to the fairy palace beside the Suir, from which she came. The following is the description of Cuchullainn’s proceedings after receiving his mortal wound, extracted from the Book of Leinster “He (Cuchullainn ) then went westwards, a good distance from the lake (lock Lamraith in Magh Muirthemne), and looked back at it. And he went to a pillar stone which is in the plain, and placed his side against it, that he might not die sitting or lying, but that he might die standing. After this the men went all about him, but dared not approach him, for they thought he was alive. ‘It is a shame for you,’ said Erc Mac Cairpre, ‘not to bring that man’s head in retaliation for my father’s head, which was borne off by him, and buried against Airsce Echdach Niafer. His head was taken from thence, so that it is in Sidh-Nenta...  Afterwards, moreover, the Liath Macha went to Cuchullain, to guard him whilst his spirit lived in him, and whilst the lon laith (bird of valour?) continued out of his forehead. Then the Liath Macha executed the three red routs about him, when fifty men fell by his teeth, and thirty by each shoe, all of the enemy’s host; and hence the proverb—‘Not more furious was the victorious rout of the Liath Macha, after the killing of Cuchullain,’—Thereupon the bird went and perched near his shoulder. “That pillar stone was not usually the resort of birds,” said Erc Mac Cairbre, who supposed the Morrigan to be a mere carrion crow awaiting the feast prepared by his hand. (17.) Then they advance and cut off Cuchullain’s head, and the Morrigan disappears from the scene.

he exact meaning of the expressions en blaith, and lon gaile (called also lón or lúan-laith) which occur in the preceding sentences have not been well defined. Some writers have understood en blaith as a veritable “bird of valour,” whilst others deem the words as a title for a particular kind of frenzy. I have not met with any statement identifying the bird of valour with the scare-crow, or, indeed, with any bird in particular, although the principal heroes in the Irish battle pieces, from Cuchullain to Murchadh, son of Brian, have each his “Bird of valour” flying over him in the thick of the fight. In the account of the battle of Magh-Rath, we are told that Congal Claen, excited to fury and madness by the exhortations of one of his servants, in the banqueting hall at Dun-na-ngedh, “stood up, assumed his bravery, his heroic fury rose, and his ‘bird of valour’ fluttered over him, and he distinguished not friend from foe at the time”. So when Murchadh, son of Brian after the repulse of the Dal-Cais by the Danes, at the battle of Clontarf, prepares to assail the enemy, it is said that” he was seized with a boiling terrible anger, an excessive elevation and greatness of spirit and mind, A bird of valour and championship rose in him, and fluttered over his head and on his breath.” But this lon laith, en gaile, or bird of valour (?) which hovered about Cuchullain, not only excited him into fury, as is represented, but also produced a strange bodily transformation, from which he obtained the sobriquet of the Riastartha, or transformed. Thus, in a passage in the tale form which I have so often quoted already, where King Ailill deems it advisable to beg Cuchullain’s permission for the Connacht army to retire from a position of danger, the following account of the effects of this paroxysm of fury is given:‘Take counsel together,’ said Ailil; ‘entreat Cuchullain that he may permit you to leave this place, since you cannot pass by him forcibly, because his lon laith has sprung,’—For it was usually the case with him when his lon laith started in him, that his feet turned backwards and his arms forward, and the calves of his legs were transferred to his shins, and one of his eyes sank deep into his head, whilst the other was protruded, and a man’s head would fit in his mouth. Every hair on his head was sharper than then thorns of whitethorn, and a drop of blood stood on each hair. He would not know friends or relations, and he slew equally backwards and forwards. Hence it was that the men of Connacht applied the name of ‘Riastartha’ to Cuchullainn.” (18.)

t has been already observed that the name of the goddess, o fury, whose identity we have been endeavouring to connect with Cathu-bodua, is written badb and bodb, just as the adjectives derived therefrom are written badba and bodba, and the driv. subst. badbdacht and bodbdacht. The term bodba (terrible) is applied to the  Morrigan in an old tract in the book of Leinster, where Conor Mac Nessa is represented as directing Findchad to summon auxiliaries to assist Cuchullainn: ardotrai cosin nathaig mbodba, cosin Mórriagain co dún Sobairche; “go to the terrible fury, to the Morrigan, to Dun-Sobairche (Dunseverick, co.Antrim).” The name Morrigan is also varied, as we have seen, to Morrigu; but as the genitive form is Morrigna, the proper nom. would seem to be Morrigan.

In the Irish mythological tracts a well-marked distinction is observable between the attributes of the scald-crow and those of the raven; the scald-crow, or cornix, being represented in the written as in the spoken traditions of the country, not alone as a bird of ill omen, but as an agen in the fulfilment of what is “in dono” in dan, or decreed for a person, whilst the raven is simply regarded as a bird of prey, that follows the warrior merely for the sake of enjoying its gory feast. Just as the German myths describe Odin and Zio as accompanied by ravens and wolves, which follow them to the battle field, and prey upon the slain, so the Irish poets, in their laugations of particular heroes, boast of the number of ravens and wolves fed by their spears. Odin, especially, had two ravens, wise and cunning, which sat upon his shoulders and whispered into his ears, like Mahomet’s pigeon, all that they had heard and seen. In this latter respect the raven of German mythology stands in the same relation to Odin that the raven of Greek mythology does to Apollo. The Scandinavians, like their German relatives, considered the raven in a sacred light.

he Anglo-Saxon chronicle (at the year 878) records the capture from the Norse of a banner called the Raven, of which a more particular account is in Asser’s Life of Alfred, at the same year. After describing the defeat of the Pagan Norse before Kynwith castle. On Devonshire, the writer adds, “and there they (the West Saxons) gained very large booty, and amongst other things the banner called the Raven; for they say that the three sisters of Hingwar and Hubba, daughters of Lodbrok, wove that flag and got it ready in one day, They say, moreover that in every battle, wherever that flag went before them, if they were to gain the victory, a live crow would appear flying on the middle of the flag; but if they were doomed to be defeated it would hang down motionles; and this was often proved to be so.” Earl Sigurd also is said to have had a raven banner at the battle of Clontarf, which his mother had woven for him with magical skill. This idea fo the raven banner is probably connected with the tradition given in the Vœlsûnga-Saga, which represents Odin as sending the Valkyria Oskemey, in the form of a crow, on a mission to Friga, to entreat that the wife of King Reris might become fruitful; and the prayer being heard, a son (Sigmund) was born, whose son Sigurd married Brunhilt, a Valkyria, who was kalled Kraka, or the crow, and who was the wife of Radnar Lodbrok, and mother of Ivar Beinlaus.

The Morrigan has some dim connection to the pagan festival of Samhain, or Allhallowtide. Macha Mongruadh, the fabled foundress of Ard-Macha (Armagh) whose sword (chaidhem Macha Moingruadh) is described as a very powerful weapon, is sometimes Morrigan; as is also Mongfind, a great queen of the 3rd cent., in whose honour the festival of Samhain was anciently called “Feil-Moing,” “when the vulger and women asked requests of her.” (Book of Ballymote.)

he name of the  Morrigan  is found connected with many of the fulachts, or Kitchen Middens, particularly with the larger ones, which are called “Fulacht na Morrigna,” the “Morrigan’s hearth,” whilst the smaller ones are named “Fulacht Fian.” One of these great Fulachts at Tara would cook three kinds of food at the same time. Some account of it wil be found in Petrie’s “Antiquities of Tara,” (where, however, Petrie should have considered it rather a cauldron than a spit). In the tract call the dthe Agallamh beg, or “Little Dialogue,” contained in the Book of Lismore mention is made of another Fulacht-na-Morrigna which existed near the fairy mound of Sidh-Airfemhin, in the present county of Tipperary.“It was they who made a hut for themselves that night; and indeonad (cooking places were made by them and Cailte and Findchadh went to the stream to wash their hands. ‘Here is the site of a fulacht, ‘said Finchadh and it is a long time since it was made.’
‘True,’ said Cailte; ‘and this is a fulacht-na-Morrighna which is not to be made without water’” (i. e. there should be a supply of water near at hand). (19.)

The name of the Morrigan enters not a little into the composition of Irish topographical names. In the present county of Louth there is a district anciently known by the name of Gort-na-Morrigna, of the “Morrigan’s feild,” which her husband, the Dagda, had given to her (Book of Fermoy,”). The Book of Lismore mentions a Crich-na-Morrigna, as somewhere in the present county of Wicklow. Among the remarkable monuments of the Brugh on the Boyne were Mur=na-Morrigna (the mound of the Morrigan); two hills called the Cirr and Cuirrel (or comb and brush) of the Dagda’s wife, which Dr. Petrie has inadvertently transformed into two proper names; and Da cich na Morrigna, or the “Morrigan’s two paps.” The name of the Morrigan is also probably contained in that of Tirreeworrigan, in the county of Armagh.

W. M. Hennessy.

P. S.—Mr. Hennessy’s preceding paper is a valuable contribution to the comparative mythology of the Germans (chiefly Scandinavians) and Celts. More than one element of the Badhbh-story is common to both races. I mention briefly the chief coincindences.
I. To the ancient Irish goddesses of war correspond to the Norwegian (and, in general, Germanic) Valkyrias.
II. These Irish goddesses appear either by themselves, or (when more than one) three in number. In a similar way the Norns appear three together, and the youngest of them, Skuld, is at the same time a Valkyria. Very often too, three Valkyrias fly together (Vœlundarquidha, 1, 2).
III. One of these goddesses is often the special companion of one hero, assists and warns him and, when his hour has come, leaves him with a cry. Instances of love-stories of a supernatural character are numerous in Germanic mythology. « Sigurd and Brynhild » furnish one. But the finest of the stories in the Older Edda, in the songs of Helgi. I do not find however that in Germanic tales the approaching death is announceed by the divine bride leaving her husband with sorrow. Perhaps there may have been something of that kind in Sigurd’s murder committed at the instiguation of Brynhild. The dying Helgi too says to his Valkyrian bride: « Do you not sorrow, you have been destruction. » Herein seems to lurk a conception more stern than the Irish, namely that the Valkyrian herself is, when time arrives, the instrument of her lover’s death. The simply divine Valkyrias that live with Odhinn and are not attached to any particular man, are sent by him for the special purpose of calling the heroes  home . Hence in fact the name Valkyria, the chooser of the slain.  (Norse val-r, strages; kiosa, eligere).
IV. The Irish goddesses appear in the form of a bird, which is more especially considered as the bird of valour of the hero. It is not always easy to find out what exact form they assume, but it is genearally that of a scaldcrow. The Germanic Valkyrias generally appear as swans. Yet the Vœlsunga Saga tells of love between one of Sigurd’s ancestors and a Valkyria, who assumed the figure of a crow, and Aslaug, daughter of Sigurd, who accompanies Ragnar Lodbrok after the fashion of the Valkyrias, calls herself also  crow (kraka).
V. The names of the Irish goddesses, as far as can be ascertained, are Badb, ( or Badb-catha ) Fea, Ana, Morrigu (or Morrigan) Macha, Neman. Perhaps we might be justified in comparing the name of Macha with gr. μάχη. As far as the first of these names is concerned it is certainly identical witn M. Pictet’s [C]athubodua and it has its counter-part in Germany. Tacitus tells us (Ann. IV, 73) that, in the eventful campaign of the Romans against the Frisians, nine hundred Romans were slain: Apud lucum quem Baduhennæ vocant, "Near the wood which is consecrated to Baduhennæ."
Now Badu is a Germanic word for strife  (Anglo-Saxon beado, Old-Norse boedhr). Indeed it does not appear as the name of a Valkyria; but when one thinks that by the side of nemas in—hild decidedly derived from the Valkyrias such as Mahthild, Gundhild, Svanhild, there appears an Old-High German woman-name Baduhild which indirectly confirms the statement of Tacitus, it becomes most probably that there was an ancient Germanic goddess of war, named Badu.
Such similarities between German and Celtic traditions cannot be accidental. Not even the historical connection of the Scandinavians and the Irish can explain them. It seems that we must go much further back, to those times when along the Rhine Celts and Germans mixed together, sometimes as friends, sometimes as foes, when the king of the Marcomans, Maroboduus, a German by birth, assumed a Celtic name, in the same way as in later times Cormac, Nial, went over to the Scandinavians from Celtic lips. The old Gaulish names Caturix, Toutiorix, Segomaros, Albiorix, have their Germanic corresponding words (some of which are still in use) in the names Hedrich, Dietrich, Sigmar, Alberich.
All these instances of resemblance indicate a long intercourse, and songs and traditions, as well as names and words, may have been interchanged from one side of the Rhine to the  other and have strenghtened the old bonds which united Celts and Germans in the time of the Indogermanic unity.

C. Lottner.  

_________________________________________________________________________________

Footnotes

(1.) Ro erig em badb discir, dian, demnetach, dasachtach, dúr, duabsech, detcengtach, cruaid, croda, cosaitech, co bai ic screchád ar luamain, os a cennaib. Ro eirgetar am bananaig, ocus boccanaig, ocus geliti glinni, ocus amati adgaill, ocus siabra, ocus seneoin, ocus damna admilti aeoir ocus firmaminti, ocus siabarsluag debil demnach, co mbatar a comgresacht ocus i commorad aig ocus irgaili leo.
(2.) As mór tra an toirm ocus an fothrom baoi eturra an uair sin, ocus ra togaibh badbh cenn eturra, ocus baoi marbhadh mór  eturra san cán;
(3.) Is annsin do chuaidh Badhbh ocus Macha ocus Morrighu gu cnoc gabala na ngial, ocus gu tulaig techtairechta na trom sluag, gu Temraig, ocus do feradar cetha dolfe draigechta, ocus cith nela cotaigecha ciath, ocus frasa tromaidble tened, ocus dortad donnfala do shiltin asin aeor i cennaib ne curad, ocus nir legset scarad na scailed do feraib Bold co cenn tri la ocus tri naidche.
(4.) Is iad taisig ro ergedar re Tuathaib de Danann isin lo sin .i. Ogma ocus Midir ocus Bodb derg ocus Diancecht, ocus Aengaba na hiruaithe. Rachmaitne lib ar na ingena .i. Badb ocus Macha, ocus Morrigan, ocus Danann;
(5.) Ocus cidh buadh aile, for Fingen. Ni ansam, for in ben. Ata ann cethrar atrullaiset ria Tuathaib de Danann a cath Muigi tuired, corrabatar oc coll etha ocus blechta, ocus messa, ocus murthorad .i. fer dib a slemnaib Maigi Itha .i. Redg a ainmsidé; fer dib a sléib Smóil .i. Grenu a ainmsidé;fer aile a ndromannaib Breg .i. Bréa a ainm; fer aile dib hi crichaib cruachna .i. Tinel a ainmsidé. Indocht rosruithéa a hErinn .i. in Morrigan ocus Badb Side Femin, ocus Midir Brig Leith, ocus Mac ind óc, conna beth foglai Fomóir for hErinn cu brath.
(6.) ra gairestar imme boccanaig, ocus banánaig, ocus geniti glinni, ocus demna aeoir, daig dabertis Tuatha de Danann a ngasciud immisium, combad móti a grain, ocus a ecla, ocus a urúaman in cach cath ocus in cach cathrói, in cach comlund ocus in cach comruc i teiged;
(7) Dosfobair tra ind Nemain .i. in Badb lasodain, ocus nipsísin adaig bá samam doib la budris ocus focherd dirna mor dint slógh conluid Medbh dia chosc.
(8.) Atchonnairc seom uad gristaitnem na narm nglan orda os chind chethri noll choiced nErend refuiniud nell na nona. Do fainig ferg ocus luinni mor icanaiscin re ilar a bidbad, re immad a namad, Rogab a da shleig, ocus a sciath, ocus a chlaideb, Crothais a sciath, ocus cressaigis a shlega, ocus bertnaigis a chlaidem, ocus do bert rem curad as a bragit cororecratar bananaig ocus boccanaig, ocus geniti glinni, ocus demna aeoir, re uathgrain nag are dosbertatar ar aird, co ro mesc ind Neamain .i. in Badb forsint slog. Dollotar in armgrith cethri choiced hErend im rennaib a sleg ocus a narm fadessin, conerbaltatar ced laech dib d’uathbas ocus chridemnas ar lar in dunaid ocus in longphoirt in naidchisin.
(9.)Berid in Morrigan iarum boin a mic sium cen bai seom ina cotlad, conderodart in Donn Cuailgne tair i Cuailgne. Do thaet cona boin doridise anair, Nostaertend Cuchullain i Mag Murthemne oc tuidecht tairis, ar ba do gesaib Conculaind ce teit ban as a thir manib udairc les. . . Da thairte Cuchullain in Morrigan, cona boid, ocus isbert ni berthar in nimirce, ol Cuchullain
(10.) Is he in la cetna tanic in Dond Cuailgne co crich margin, ocus coica samseisce immi do samascib. . .  is e in la cetna tanic in Morrigu, ingen Ernmais a sibaib [in deilb euin] comboi for in chorthi i Temair Chualgne ic brith rabuid don Dund Chualgne ria ferdaib hErend, ocus rogab ac a acallaim; ocus maith, a thruaig, a duind Cuailnge ar in Morrigu, deni fatchius daig ardotreset fir hErenn, ocus not berat dochum longphoirt mani dena faitchius; ocus ro gab ic breith rabuid do samlaid, ocus dosbert na briathrasa ar aird.
(11.) Conacca Cu in nocben chuci conetuch cacn datha  impe, ocus delb ro derscaigthe fuirri. Ce taisiu or Cu. Ingen Buain ind rig, or si; do deochaidh cuchutsa; rotcharus ar thairscelaib, ocus tucuc mo seotu lim, ocus mo indili. Ni maith, em, ind inbuid tonnanac, nach is olc ar mblath oinmgorti. Ni haurusa damsa dana comrac fri banscail cein nombeo isind nith so. Bid im chobairse daitsiu (.i. do gensa congnom latt) oc sudiu. Ni ar thoin mna dana gabussa inso. Bi ansu daitsiu, or si, in tan doragsa ar do chend oc comrac fris na firu; doragsa irricht escongan for chossaib issind ath co taithis. Dochu lim, on, oldas ingen rig; notgebsa, or se, im ladair commebsat t’asnai, ocus bia fond anim sin co ro secha brath bennachtan fort. Timorcsa in cethri forsind ath do dochumsa irricht soide glaisse. Leicfesa cloich daitsiu as in tailm co commart do suil it cind, ocus bia fond anim co ro secha brath bennachtan fort. To rach dait irricht samaisci maile derce riasind eit, comensat forsnai lathu, ocus fors na hathu, ocus fors na liniu, ocus nimaircechasa ar do chend. Tolecubsa cloich deitsiu or se, commema do fergara fot, ocus bia fo ind anim sin co ro secha brath bennachtan fort. Lasodain teit uad.
(12.) Cid andarignisiu, ol si, rodbia olc de. Ni cuma dam ol Cuchullain. Cumcim eicin ol in ben; is ac [do] diten do baissiu, atusa ocus biad, olsi. Do fucus in mboinsea a sith Cruachan, condarodart in Dub Cuailnge lim i Cuailnge .i. tarb Dairi mic Fiachna, Ised aired biasu imbeathaid corop dartaig in laegh fil imbroind na bo so, ocus ise consaithbe Tain Bo Cuailnge. Bid am ardercusia de din tain ishin, ol Cuchullain. Gegna a nanrada, brisfe a mor chatha, bid a tigba na tana.
(13.) O ro chomraicset iarom ind fir for sind áth, ocus o rogabsat oc gliaid ocus oc imesorcain and, ocus o ro gab cach dib for truastad a chéli, focheird in escongon triol (.i. tri curu) im chossa Conculaind combói fáen fotarsnu isind áth  ina ligu. Dauautat (.i. buailis) Loch cosin chlaidiub combu chroderg int ath dia fuilriud. . . . Lasodain atraig, ocus benaid in nescongain comebdatar a hasnai indi, ocus comboing in cethri  dars na slúaga sair ar ecin, combertatar a puple innan adarcaib lasa torandcless darigensat in dá lathgáile isind ath. Tanautat som ind sod mactire do imairg na bú fair siar. Léicid som cloich as a tailm co mebaid a suil ina cind. Téite irricht samaisce máile derge, muitte rias na buaib forsna linni ocus na háthu. Is and asbert som ni airciu ( .i. ni rochim) anáthu la linni. Leicidsom cloich dont samaisc máil déirg comemaid a ger gara foi.” Lebor na hUidre.
(14.) go facadar in en mnai minderg moir malach dhuibh in deil bdesi . . . . da ninsaigidh. Ingantaigsed na sluaigh re sirdechsain ahinnell ocus a habaise. In darna huair ann ba rigan roisclethan ro alainn; ocus in uair aill . . . . na baidb biraigh banghlais. . . . . . Suidhis ar inchaib Eremoin; snaidmis a heinech ar Emir. Ca crich as ar cemnigis ocus ca cele ca clechtaidh do comluigi, ocus ca hainm is raiti rit a ingín, ar Eremon. O tuathaib digraisi de Denann do dechladhus am, bar, isi, 7 mac gréni gaiscedhach mfher cele, 7 Eriu mainmse, bar in ingen.
(15.)Andsin tanic in Mórrigu ingen Ernmais a sidaib irricht sentainne, corrabi ic blegu bó trí sine na fiadnaisse. Is immi tainic si sin ar bith a forithen do Choinchullaind; daid ni gonad Cuchullain nech ara térnád combeth cuit dó fein na legus. Conattech Cuchullain blegon fuirri iar na dechrad dittaid. Do brethasi blegon sini dó . Rop slán a neim damsa so. Ba slána lethrosc na rigna. Conaittecht som in tres ndig, ocus dobrethasi blegon sine dó. Bendacht dée ocus ándee fort a ingen (batar é a ndee int aes cumachta, ocus andee int aes trebaire); ocus ba slan ind rigan.
(16.)Teite Cuchullainn adochum [in Leith Macha], ocus ro impa int ech a chle friss fothri, ocus roscail in Morrigu in carpat issind aidchi remi, ar nir bo ail le a dul Conculainn dochum in chatha, ar rofitir noco ricfad Emain Macha afrithis.
(17.) Do dechuid iarum crich mór ond loch  (Loch Lamraith in Magh Muirthemne) slar, ocus rucad a rosc airi, ocus téit dochum coirthi cloiche file isin maig cotarat a choimchriss immi, narablad na suidiu, nach ina ligu, conbad ina sessam atbalad. Is iarsin do echatar na fir immacuairt, ocus ni rolamsatar dul a dochum. Andarleo ropo beo. Is mebol duib, ol Erc Mac Cairpre, cen cend ind fhir do thabhairt lib in digail chind m’atarsa rucad leis co ro adnacht fri airsce Echdach Niafer. Rucad a chend assaide co fil i síd Nenta iar nusciu. . . . .  Iarsin tra do dechaid in Liath Macha co Coinculaind dia imchoimét in céin robói a anim and, ocus ro mair in lon laith ass a étan. Is iarum bert in Liath Macha na tri derg ruathar immi ma cuairt, co torchair l. leis cona fiaclaib, ocus xxx cach crui do issed romarb dont sluag. Conid de ata nitathe buadremmend ind leith Macha iar marbad Conculainn. Conid iarsin dolliud ind ennach for a gualaind. Nir bo gnáth in corthe ut fo enaib ar Erc mac Carpre.
(18.) Denaid comarli for Ailill, Gudid Conculainn im for lecud asind inudsa ar ni ragaid ar ecin tairis uair rodlebaing a long laith, ar ba ges dosom intan no linged a lon laith ind imreditis a traigthi iarma ocus a escada remi, odus muil a orcan for a lurgnib, ocus in dala suil inachend, ocus araili fria chend anechtair; do coised fer chend for a beolu. Nach findae bid fair ba hathithir delca sciach, ocus banna fola for cach finnu. Ni aithgnead coemu na cairdiu. Cumma no slaided riam ocus iarma. Is desin dober fir nolnecmacht in riastarthu do animm do Coinculainn. (Lebor na hUidhre)
(19.) Ba hiat fein do rinde both doibh ind oidchi sin, ocus do rinded indeonadh leo, ocuss teit Cailte ocus Findchadh do indlad a lámha cum int srotha. Inad fulachta so ar Findchad, ocus is cian o do rinded. Is fir ar Cailte, ocus fulacht na Morrighna so, ocus ni denta gan uisce.

Revue Celtique vol 1, Badb, The Ancient Irish Goddess of War, by WM Hennessey, 1870





Nico