Showing posts with label Badb. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Badb. Show all posts

Wednesday, 11 March 2020

Irish and Norse Battle Goddesses




Irish and Old-Norse Battle Spirits: Protective Goddesses or Omens of Death?
              

Battle spirits play an important role in the lives of warriors. It is considered a bad omen when they appear to warriors previous to battle. They seem to reign over life and death, but are they connected to fate? Are they just evil beings who delight in slaughter and blood or is it possible that they also have a more affectionate, protecting side? Morrígan evidently shows this protectiveness when Cú Chulainn is concerned, but how about the Old-Norse valkyrjur?

An investigation of different situations in which battle spirits appear in both the medieval Irish and the Old-Norse literature. The central tale in the Irish part will be Táin Bó Cúailnge (‘The cattle raid of Cooley’, TBC), and in the Old-Norse literature the focus will lie on Völsunga Saga.  

The names of the Irish battle spirits are: Badb, Neman, Macha and Morrígan.
Neman, Macha and Morrigu are mentioned as the so called sisters of the Badb but: “The name Badb seemed to refer to the mythological beings supposed to rule over battle and carnage.”  Badb is said to be “bean sidhe, a female fairy, phantom, or spectre, supposed to be attached to certain families and to appear sometimes in the form of squall crows, or royston crows”. The remark that she was supposedly attached to a certain family resembles the Old-Norse fylgja who was a spirit connected to a person or family, usually this being would only appear to warn for an upcoming death. According to the Dictionary of the Irish Language (DIL) Badb is the name of a war goddess, and gives the meaning “scald crow, in which form the goddess appeared”. Furthermore it states that it is used in the sense of deadly”, “fatal”, “dangerous” and “ill-fated”.

Némain, or Neamhan, is equated to “a badb catha, or a Royston crow”, but this is not an etymological explanation. According to DIL she is the wife of Neit, a war god, and she is sometimes identified with Badb. Her name is said to mean “battle-fury”, “warlike frenzy”, “strife”, “murder” and “malice”.

Macha is said to mean magpie in DIL. DIL also says that Macha is one of the three war goddesses of the Túatha Dé Danann, a daughter of Ernmas and the sister of Badb and Morrígu. It notes that she is sometimes identified with Badb and that her name is indeed also interpreted to mean “royston crow”.

DIL, gives for Morrígan: Morrígan and Morrígu f. name of an ancient Irish war-goddess.  Morrígan is obviously associated with the supernatural, and that she was seen as very frightening. The mara is the manifestation of someone’s jealous thoughts and evil desires in a tangible form. The mara was said to cause anxiety, pain and loss of breath. Often the person (usually female) turning into a mara is not aware that this happened and only feels tired the morning after the attack. A mara can also be the result of magic. By comparing these meanings it becomes clear that these women are associated with the supernatural, battle, bad luck, ill omens and crows. They represent negative, chaotic powers closely connected to slaughter, fate and battle.  

Battle spirits have many different functions; in some stories they appear for example as prophetesses, in other as protective and guiding (in an educational way) goddesses or beings strongly connected to fate. They can either play an important role in stories or just be mentioned as frightening, screaming beings present on the battlefield.

In the Old-Norse literature the most important beings associated with battle and death are the fylgjur (sg. fylgja) and the valkyrjur (sg. valkyrja). They show some similarities with the Irish battle spirits mentioned above.

Fylgjur
In the Old-Norse literature we find two types of fylgjur. The term fylgja seems to be derived from the Old-Norse fylgð, “to follow”. The first type appears in the shape of an animal, the second type appears in the guise of a woman. The only thing they have in common is the name.

The animal-fylgja was the alter ego of the person it belonged to. It belonged to a specific person; it came into this world together with him, and died together with him (or a little before him, to be precise). These fylgjur only became visible in times of crisis and this was then often followed by bad luck and death. They also showed themselves when someone was about to die as an omen of death. The animal-fylgja did not have its own identity and when seen acted the way its owner would act later. Its behavior could not be influenced and the animal was not able to do anything to help its alter ego and prevent him from dying. The animal-fylgja was an outer soul that someone had besides the soul of the body. It was always near its owner, though mainly invisible.

The only thing the animal-fylgjur and the Irish battle spirits have in common is that they both appear as a warning sign and often an omen of death. In my opinion both the Irish battle spirits (and then I mean the ones who are only depicted screaming, Morrígan does have more influence) and the animal-fylgjur are guided by some sort of external fate. They are not able to influence fate.

Fylgjur could also appear in the guise of a woman. They could appear both in groups (each person had more than one fylgja in that case) or alone. It was not so common for these fylgjur to appear as an omen of death, but when they did, they would often ride death-horses which made it very difficult to distinguish them from valkyrjur (Odin’s ‘choosers of the slain’ and warrior maidens). The fylgjur usually emerged to protect and help people. They could for example give people advice (which would ultimately lead to the death of the person the advice was given to, whether he followed it or not), they could give information about the future and help giving birth (in those cases they are closely related to the Nornir: (the fates in Old-Norse mythology). When a fylgja left the person she protected, it would inevitably lead to misfortune and death.  The female fylgjur are very different from the animal-fylgjur since the female fylgjur have their own identity and will and are not always near a specific person. The individual fylgja does often protect a specific person, but she can choose to leave him at any time. If she does leave someone, that person will die. She is therefore connected to fate, like the Nornir. Unlike the animal-fylgja the female fylgja does not die together with the person she protects. She will move on to someone else. She is in this aspect more connected to a tribe than to a specific person. These fylgjur share similarities with the Irish battle spirits who also do not die when the people they protect die. Irish battle spirits also have a will and identity of their own.

Valkyrjur
The valkyrjur are described in the Poetic Edda and Snorra Edda as the maidens of Odin who join in battle and choose the warriors who are to fall. The word has the etymology kjósaval which refers to the fact that the valkyrja chooses which warriors are going to fall. The traditional valkyrja has two functions: she is present on the battlefield where she chooses the bravest warriors whom she then brings  to Valhöll, Odin’s hall, where she presents them with drinks. In Valhöll the warriors are trained to fight alongside the gods during Ragnarök, the last big battle before the world ends.

The names of the valkyrjur are mentioned in Völuspá (‘The seeress’s prophecy’); a poem found in the Poetic Edda:  “She saw valkyries, coming from afar, ready for their journey to the people of the gods, Skuld raised her shield, Skogul another, Gunn, Hild, Gondul and Geirskogul; now they are named, the maidens of the Warrior, the valkyries, ready for their journey to the earth.”

The valkyrjur are clearly an omen for battle:
where valkyrjur are present, a battle is not far away. In Völuspá they warn for the end of the world. The fact that Skuld is named as both one of the nornir and as a valkyrja, shows, in my opinion, that the valkyrjur have something to do with fate; they do after all choose who is going to die. I do not think valkyrjur were always regarded as scary beings, the way Badb is seen in the Irish literature, for death did not frighten the warriors. On the contrary, they saw death almost as a reward: only the best warriors were chosen to follow Odin to Vallhöl. It is true, however, that in the mythological Eddic poems the valkyrjur mainly appear in battle riding on horses accompanied by thunder and lightning, while in the more heroic tales the valkyrjur usually play a more protecting role.

Valkyrjur were also connected to ravens, just like the Irish battle spirits are connected to birds of prey. Haraldskvæði presents a valkyrja interrogating a raven. The later version of Völsunga Saga mentions a valkyrja taking the shape of a crow. The ravens also strengthen their connection to Odin, the god of battle. He is called the Raven’s God by Snorre since he has two ravens, Huginn and Muninn (Thought and Memory) who keep him up to date on what happens in the world.

Battle spirits making prophecies
Badb and Morrígan appear as prophetesses in some stories, usually predicting death and sorrow.
The most important instances concerning Badb occur in Togail Bruidne Da Derga (‘The destruction of Da Derga’s hostel’, TBDD) and Bruidne Da Choca (‘Da Choca’s hostel’, BDC). Morrígan makes significant prophecies about the fate of the world in Cath Maige Tuired (‘The second battle of Mag Tuired’, CMT), which can be compared to the Old-Norse prophecy Völuspá’ (‘The seeress’s prophecy’). Throughout Táin Bó Cúailnge (‘The cattle raid of Cooley’, TBC) we also find various instances of battle spirits predicting death.

Badb prophesizing death while closing the left eye
In Togail Bruidne Da Derga Badb appears as a big, old bearded woman with her mouth on one side of her head. She comes to king Conaire, the main character of the tale while he is staying in Da Derga’s hostel. There she casts a baleful eye upon him and foretells his death. King Conaire then asks the woman her name and she chants him a list of names while standing on one foot, holding one hand up and breathing one breath. This list includes Badb and Némain, the names of war goddesses. Here Badb is described as a big woman having an evil eye and this eye makes king Conaire think that she might be a seer. Badb is portrayed in TBDD as a very big woman when she warned for slaughter. Right before the start of a battle a big female being called a trollkona (witchwoman) would sometimes appear in the Old-Norse literature. An example of such a woman can be seen in Harald Hardrådes saga (‘The saga of Harald Hardråde’) in Snorre Sturlusons Heimskringla (generally translated into English as: The chronicle of the kings of Norway, but literally meaning ‘The round world’). In chapter 80 Gyrd, one of the men on Harald’s ship, has a dream in which he stood on the ship and saw a trollkona (witch woman) standing on the island. She had a sword in one hand and a trough in the other. He also saw ravens and ernes on every stern of the ship. She then recites a poem which warns them for battle and death and says that the ravens will find enough on the ships to feed on if the king sails to the west. In the next chapter a man on a ship close to king Harald’s ship also has a dream. He dreams about king Harald’s ship arriving in England, where a big army awaits them. Before the army he sees a big woman riding a wolf. The wolf has a dead man’s body in his mouth and blood is dripping from his jaw. When the wolf finishes eating one body, the woman throws another one into his mouth until he has eaten all of the bodies. She also recites a poem in which she describes how magic will let the red shields shine when a battle approaches and she sees that the king will be travelling towards ill-luck.

It becomes clear that these Old-Norse frightening battle spirits, who are not necessarily fylgjur or valkyrjur, are also connected to ravens and blood, just like the Irish Badb and Morrígan. These Irish women are also often represented as very big, as in TBDD. Wolves also often seem present on battle fields; here in Harald Hardrådes saga the big woman rides the wolf and feeds it with the corpses. The woman is from the Jotun race, the race of giants. These people were connected to the Otherworld, and they often appear together with wolves. Wolves are therefore also associated with otherworldly beings. The wolf and the raven were in addition animals associated with Odin, the god of war. According to Grímnismál (‘The song of the masked one’) Odin has two wolves: Freki and Geri (Eager and Voracious). In Táin Bó Cúailnge Morrígan takes the shape of a wolf when she attacks Cú Chulainn. Here we also see wolves connected to battle and the Otherworld.

John Carey wondered why wolves, and werewolves in particular, were associated with the Otherworld. The Irish term conricht ‘wolf-shape’ is used in connection to the afterlife. Carey mentions a Norse author who wrote about Irish werewolves depicting them as an entire clan who turned into wolves as a result of a curse. These were probably shape-shifters and Carey notes that in the Old-Norse tales the people turning into wolves were merely wearing wolfskins and acting with wolfish ferocity, but they were usually not shape-shifting. Some Irish tales also use the werewolf as a metaphor for fierce behaviour.

In ‘Bruidne Da Choca’ Badb makes two prophecies but here her height is not mentioned. In the first one she appears as a red woman washing Cormac’s bloody harness at the ford. Cormac asks one of his followers to ask the woman what she is doing, and Badb answers with a prophecy while standing on one foot with one eye closed. She tells them that she is washing the harness of the king who will perish and the harnesses of his men of trust. Badb visits them again to foretell the death of the army appearing as a “bigmouthed, swarthy, swift, sooty woman, lame and squinting with her left eye.” She predicts death while leaning her shoulder against the doorpost, which possibly means that she is standing on one foot. A blind left eye or closing the left eye is obviously linked to the supernatural and associated with having access to or possessing otherwise hidden knowledge. In the Irish literature the blinding of an eye was associated with gaining wisdom. The word túatcoech, a variant of túatcháech, meaning one-eyed or blind in the left eye, is mentioned in Bruidne Da Choca in connection to Badb, and is found in this tale in a context of the supernatural and mortal danger for the hero of the tale.

A possible parallel is found in the Old-Norse literature where Odin, the god of wisdom, has sacrificed one of his eyes to gain wisdom from a well. Odin possessed remarkable sight; he could see over all the worlds and even see hidden things, so his sight was one of his most valuable possessions. In the Old-Norse mythology the blinding of one eye also gives more wisdom. The literature never mentions, however, which eye should be blinded. In the Irish texts the left eye is specifically mentioned. Possibly because the term túath- covers ‘northern; (on the) left; perverse, wicked, evil’ and therefore associated the left with negative and the supernatural.

Odin was also said to be able to perform a paralyzing spell which put shackles on enemies thus causing a state of momentary immobility. There is a possible parallel between Odin and the Irish hero Balor, as Balor’s eye was said to be paralyzing.

Morrígan’s final prophecy in Cath Maige Tuired and the Old-Norse Völuspá.
Cath Maige Tuired narrates the epic battle between the Túatha Dé Danann and the Fomoire. It is a battle between the pagan gods of Ireland and their enemies who once were supernatural beings as well. It starts describing the root of the conflict and recounts the first battle of Mag Tuired, Cath Maige Tuired Cunga (‘The battle of Mag Tuired of Cong’ CMTC). There are two versions available of this text, one of them based on Old-Irish material and one Early Modern-Irish version. The dates assigned to the earlier version range from the early ninth to twelfth centuries. It seems most likely that it is the product of an eleventh- or twelfth-century redactor working on ninth-century material. Morrígan’s prophecies in CMT are bigger and of a greater importance than the prophecies Badb makes. After the battle was fought, in §166 of CMT, Morrígan proceeds “to announce the battle and the great victory which had occurred there to the royal heights of Ireland and to its síd-hosts, to its chief waters and to its river mouths. And that is the reason Badb still relates great deeds.” Morrígan is then asked for news and at this point she recites a prophecy about good fortune. It promises peace and wealth: “Peace up to heaven. / Heaven down to earth. / Earth beneath heaven, / Strength in each, / A cup very full, / Full of honey; / Mead in abundance. / Summer in winter… / Peace up to heaven…”. Morrígan’s role in battle is obviously an important one, since it is her task to announce the end of the battle. This prophecy also strengthens the belief that Morrígan is associated with the fertility of the land and prosperity; if she was not, why then would she make this prophecy?

Then Morrígan prophesies the end of the world:
 “I shall not see / a world of the living (?): / summer will be without flowers, / cows will be without milk, / women without modesty, / men without courage, (…)Welcome to evil, / a lament for custom, /all faces / withering in guilt (?), / many crimes, / conflict of battle, / trust in horse-goads (?), many trysts, / betrayal of princes’ sons, / a shroud of sorrows, / crooked judgement of elders, / lying maxims of judges,/ every man a betrayer, / every youth a brigand. / The son will go into his father’s bed; / the father will go into his son's bed; / everyone will be his brother’s brother-in-law: / no one will seek a wife away from home. / Good fortune will be born (?): / evil is the time / in which a son will betray his father, / in which a daughter will betray…”

Carey says about CMT and this final prophecy: The story is a parable of Ireland’s state in the second half of the ninth century, concerned primarily with the erosion of traditional values. In the story, the threat is recognized, opposed and thwarted; but we are not allowed to take much comfort in this paradigmatic victory. At the very moment of triumph, the war-goddess looks into the future and sees the same dangers resurgent in the Ireland of the author, the “present” in which CMT was written. What she beheld may indeed have seemed, to many of those then living, to be the end of the world. The prophecies of the Morrígan have often been compared to the Old-Norse Eddic poem Völuspá, ‘The seeress’s prophecy’. This is a prophecy describing the development of the world, from the creation of the world itself and its inhabitants, until its inevitable ending and following immediate resurrection. The degeneration of society’s rules which signifies the beginning of Ragnarök, the end of the world, is described in stanza 45:  “Brothers will be each other’s curse; relatives will break blood ties, the world is hard, prostitution reigns, a time of axes, a time of swords, shields will split, a time of wind, a time of wolves, before the world rotates, no man will spare another.”

This prophecy shows a close resemblance with the way Morrígan describes the end of the world. Both cultures associate the end of the world with a diminishing of the values of society. Morrígan starts by prophesizing the victory of the Túatha Dé Danann in the battle of Mag Tuired. Yet this victory will be pursued by a destruction of the values, beliefs and customs of the era she lived in; this destruction will take place in the time that CMT is written. Völuspá, however, first describes the terrible things that will happen when the world comes to an end, but promises that a better, prosperous world will emerge afterwards. The very last stanza of Völuspá, in which the prophetess sees a dark dragon holding corpses between its wings approaching, might be interpreted as a warning that even this wonderful new world will also eventually come to an end. This might signify that the world somehow is not complete without a chaotic power and that even when the chaotic powers are destroyed, they will always find a way to return.

So where Morrígan’s prophecies predict a victory that will eventually end in destruction in the future, Völuspá prophesizes a destruction that will lead to the emerging of a much better world. We do not know, however, if Morrígan’s prophecy is complete. So no final conclusions can be made.

Old-Norse mythology is all about maintaining order. Ragnarök is in that view an outburst of chaos which will lead to a perfect orderly world. Morrígan represents a chaotic power in the Irish literature. The chaotic quality is not a matter of how she behaves towards the Dagda but the forces which she symbolizes. E.A. Gray says about this: Throughout Irish literature, the Morrígan represents the destructive and chaotic violence of warfare. Because the powers she symbolizes inevitably inflict losses on both sides of the conflict, the Morrígan is an ambiguous figure; and the extent of her support for any given cause can never be simply assumed. By making the Morrígan a kinswoman of the Túatha Dé Danann, the forces of order, rather than of the Fomoire, Irish myth symbolically supports the belief that, on the whole, battle tends to establish justice and to maintain social order.

Prophecies and omens of death in Táin Bó Cúailnge
Early in Táin Bó Cúailnge Morrígan prophesizes the cattle raid to the big black bull. In the form of a bird she perches on the pillar stone on Temair Cúailnge and predicts a great war to the bull the Táin Bó Cúailnge is about. Here Morrígan is equated to Allecto, one of the Greek furies. She can see the future and predicts death and sorrow. We should be aware that influences from other cultures are often present in medieval texts.

Throughout TBC battle spirits appear as an omen of death. They often appear to the armies and scream and frighten them. In ‘The fight of Fer Diad and Cú Chulainn’, for example, Fer Diad recites a poem to encourage his charioteer: “Let us go to this encounter, to contend with this man, until we reach that ford above which the war-goddess (Badb) will shriek. Let us go to meet Cú Chulainn, to wound his slender body, so that a spear-point may pierce him and he may die thereof.” The scream of the war-goddess is here seen as a clear omen of death.

After a description of the vision that the poet Dubthach has, the army is attacked by Némain and is totally confused after her appearance. A closer look at Némain’s name might explain the confusion: her name means panic. According to Hennessy “she confounds armies, so that friendly bands fall in mutual slaughter”. Némain also occurs after another vision of the poet Dubthach; she then attacks the host: “The war-goddess attacked the host. A hundred of them fell dead.” In these instances Némain has an active role: she attacks the army and brings confusion, panic and death.

In ‘The march of the companies’ Morrígan is standing between the encampments of the Érainn and the Ulaid and says: “Ravens gnaw the necks of men. Blood flows. Battle is fought… Hail to the men of Ulster! Woe to the Érainn! Woe to the men of Ulster! Hail to the Érainn!’ These were the words she whispered to the Érainn: ‘Woe to the men of Ulster for they have not won (?) the battle.’” Here she urges both sides on to battle and foretells victory to both. Her promise to the Érainn is a false one since Badb, Bé Néit and Némain shriek above their encampments later that night which causes hundreds of Érainn warriors to die of terror.

There are two other instances where the screams of the war goddesses prophesizes the death of warriors. The screams of Badb, Bé Neit and Némain scare a hundred Érainn-warriors so much that they die from fear. Here we see that the Irish battle spirits sometimes make false promises. The valkyrjur did not do that; they acted out Odin’s will. Odin granted victory to a certain army, and the valkyrjur ensured this. If they acted on their own accord a punishment would follow as happened to Sígrdrífa in Sígrdrífumál (‘The lay of Sígrdrífa’). In this instance I do not think Irish battle spirits show many similarities with the valkyrjur since for the Old-Norse warriors being chosen to die by the valkyrjur was not seen as negative: after all only the best warriors were chosen. I think the screaming battle spirits who are an omen of death can however tentatively be compared to the fylgjur, since both were not always present but only showed themselves before a battle to warn for slaughter and death.

Genealogical relationships between battle spirits.
In Leabhar Gabhála ‘The book of invasions of Ireland’ (LG) and in Cath Muige Tuired Cunga ‘The battle of Mag Tuired of Cong’ (CMTC) Morrígan, Badb and Macha are depicted as sisters. Leabhar Gabhála provides a fictitious history of Ireland until the coming of Christianity. It contains accounts on the Túatha Dé Danann and the Fomoire. The version I use is the first Recension which is found in the Book of Leinster, R. Mark Scowcroft dates this text to the 12th century. In §103 of LG the genealogical relation is mentioned: Badb, Macha and Moir-Rigan, the three daughters of Dealbaeth, son of Ned, son of Ionda. Ernbas, daughter of Eatarlamh, son of Ordan, son of Iondae, son of Alldae was the mother of all those women. Mor-Riogan had another name, Ana; from her are named the Paps of Anann in East Luachair. In the version Koch used are Badb, Macha and Anand the three daughters of Ernmas in the corresponding episode.  In the next paragraph, §72, a significant change is made: the name of Anand is changed to Morrígan. In §91 of this version it becomes clear that Anann from §71 is in fact Morrígan: “Ernmas had three more daughters: Badb and Macha and Morrígu (whose name was Anann).” Here we see that Badb, Macha and Morrígu were the daughters of a female witch.

Cath Muige Tuired Cunga deals with the travellings of the Fir Bolg and the Túatha Dé Danann and their arrival in Ireland. It then continues with their meeting in Ireland and narrates of the negotiations for a peaceful settlement of the claims of the Tuatha Dé Danann and it concludes with the actual first Battle of Mag Tuired. We are told that after the battle was fought, the defeated Fir Bolg settled in Connaught. This text is of a later date than Cath Maige Tuired and it might have used CMT as a model. In §39 at the beginning of the battle, Badb, Macha and Morrígan are said to have accompanied the chiefs who went in front of the Túatha Dé Danann. I think this suggests that these women actively participated in battle, not just as sorceresses watching from the side. The fact that they are continuously mentioned throughout the story also shows that they were of importance.

On the last day of battle the Badba  “furies and monsters and hags of doom”, cried out so loud that their screams were heard everywhere. These fierce cries of the battle spirits do not predict anything good: “It was like the fearful agonising cry on the last dreadful day when the human race will part from all in this world.” The Túatha Dé Danann then advanced together with a tri bantuathacha  “the three sorceresses, Badb, Macha and Mor(r)ígan”. Eventually, after a fierce battle, the Fir Bolg were defeated.

Morrígan, Badb and Macha sometimes appear as a trio, the valkyrjur often appear in groups of nine. I have not found any evidence for genealogical relationships between valkyrjur but the valkyrja Svava is called the reincarnation of the valkyrja Sigrun in Helgakviða Hundingsbana önnor (generally translated as: The second ballad of Helgi, the killer of Dog’s son).

Battle spirits controlling the weather
In §29 of CMTC, in the middle of the battle from the Túatha Dé Danann against the Fir Bolg, Badb, Macha and Morrígan went to the Knoll of the Taking of the Hostages, and to the Hill of Summoning at Tara  “and set forth magic showers of sorcery and compact clouds of mist and a furious rain of fire, with a downpour of red blood from the air on the warriors’ heads.” Here the women work as a trio of  sorceresses to protect and help their own people.

This incident can be compared to the way the valkyrjur control the weather in Helgakviða Hundingsbana önnor. When Helgi is on his way to declare war to the man who has betrothed himself to Sigrun, a valkyrja who is the love of Helgi’s life, Sigrun protects him twice by making a fierce thunderstorm calm down so that his ship can safely reach land. The arrival of the valkyrjur in battle is also often ccompanied by thunder and lightning. It is striking that in both cultures these kind of supernatural beings are able to control the weather.

Birds in the Irish and Old-Norse material
Valkyrjur were able to take an animal form and usually chose the guise of a swan. An example of this is found in Helreið Brynhildar (‘Brynhild’s hell-ride’) where Odin lets eight sisters, including the young Brynhild, wear swan coats. By giving them these coats they are made valkyrjur. In this saga a man named Agnar steals the swan coats of the girls when they are bathing, he forces them into his service by doing so. Another example is present in Völundarkviða (‘The lay of Völund’). There three brothers meet three valkyrjur on the edge of a lake. They knew the women were valkyrjur because their swan coats were lying next to them. The brothers wooed the girls and won them. They lived together for seven winters, after that the girls flew away. They went back to their battles, and never returned. The swan coats allowed the valkyrjur to fly through the air. Swan maidens had another specific function: they granted wishes, they are therefore referred to as óskmeyjar, ‘wish maidens’. This name also strengthens their connection to Odin. Odin has many names; all mentioned in Snorra Edda. One of them is Óski, derived from the Old-Norse word ósk ‘wish’.

An interesting parallel with the motif of girls being able to take the shape of a swan is found in the Irish tale Aided Derbforgaill (‘The death of Derbforgaill’). In this tale Derbforgaill and one of her handmaidens take the form of swans and fly to Loch Cuan to seek Cú Chulainn, whom Derbforgaill has fallen in love with. In Aided Derbforgaill it is stated that Derbforgail was the daughter of the king of Lochlann, or Norway. Another variant of this story is found in Tochmarc Emire (‘The wooing of Emer’). In this tale, however, Derbforgaill is said to be the daughter of the king of the Western Isles.  Carl Marstrander points out that even though the idea of human beings in the form of animals is characteristically Germanic, it should not be assumed that Aided Derbforgaill was composed under Norse influence, since Irish texts of an undoubtedly earlier date (See: Compert Conculainn, ‘The conception of Cú Chulainn’, and Serglige Con Culainn, ‘The wasting sickness of Cú Chulainn’, as examples) contain the same concept.

In Serglige Con Culainn a group of women that has fallen in love with Cú Chulainn sees a flock of beautiful birds. They all want to have a pair and Cú Chulainn shoots a pair for each of the women, except for his own wife. He wants to give her two more beautiful birds connected to each other with a red-gold chain. Cú Chulainn’s wife forbids him to hunt these birds; she has a feeling that these birds possess some kind of power. Cú Chulainn ignores her warning. He only succeeds to pierce the wing of one of the birds with his javelin. He is angry but falls asleep. He then has a vision in which two angry women beat him up severely with a horsewhip. He is barely alive when they finally leave him. Cú Chulainn then realises that the birds were supernatural women.

In Oidhe Chloinne Lir ‘The tragedy of the children of Lir’ the jealous Aoife turns Lir’s children into swans, she had planned to kill them, but her womanly nature prevented that. Another instance which shows that the concept of a girl transforming into a swan was also known in Ireland, is found in the Irish tale Aislinge Óengusso (‘The dream of Óengus’). Óengus falls in love with a girl, Cáer Ibormeith, the daughter of the king of Síd Úamuin, who takes the shape of a swan one year and the shape of a girl every day of the following year. The fact that she is the daughter of the king of a síd might associate her with the Otherworld, which suggests that the ability to take the shape of a swan is connected to the Otherworld.

The washing of armour with blood in Irish and Old-Norse material.
Gísla saga Súrssonar (‘The saga about Gísli Sursson’) is part of the Icelandic sagas that were written down around 1200 AD. The events described in the sagas are said to have happened more than 200 years earlier. In the saga two women appear in Gísli’s dreams: a good dream woman and an evil one. The good dream woman gives Gísli advice and protects him, while the evil woman appears to remind him of the terrible way he will die. The bad dream woman often appears in Gísli’s dream and the nature of these dreams make him realise that he will not have a long life. One time she emerges dripping with blood; she wants to smear it on him and wash him with it. He recognizes that she is an omen of bad luck in battle and his death. In a later dream she tells him that she will reverse everything the good dream woman promised him. She then washes his hair with blood from his wounds and puts a bloody cap on his head; her hands are again dripping with his blood.

The washing of armour with blood is not only present in Old-Norse stories, in Irish stories war-goddesses also sometimes appear washing the armour of a warrior with blood. This is a clear omen of death. An example is found in Bruidne Da Choca where Cormac and his retinue see a red woman on the edge of a ford washing a chariot. When she lowered her hands into the water, the water became red with blood. Cormac is repulsed by this sight and tells one of his men to go ask the woman what she is doing. The woman answers with a prophecy while standing on one foot and with one eye closed, telling them that she is washing the harness of a king that will perish. The messenger tells Cormac about this prophecy made by Badb, and Cormac then approaches her and asks whose harness she is washing. Badb answers that it is his own harness and the harnesses of his company.

In one version of Aided Con Culainn, ‘The death of Cú Chulainn’, called Brislech Mór Maige Murthemni (‘The great defeat on the plain of Muirthemne’) Cú Chulainn meets two beautiful young women washing a piece of clothing covered with blood while lamenting. In that same version Cú Chulainn’s mother tries to give him milk three times, and every time the milk turns into blood which also is a warning that his death is near.

In Reicne Fothaid Canainne (‘The poem of Fothad Canainne’) we get a vivid description of how Morrígan is perceived. It also mentions the washing of spoils:  “There are around us here and there many spoils whose luck is famous; horrible are the huge entrails which the Morrígan washes. She has come to us from the edge of a pillar (?), ‘t is she who has egged us on; many are the spoils she washes, horrible the hateful laugh she laughs. She has flung her mane over her back, a stout heart… (?) that hates her; though it is near us here where she is, let not fear attack thy shapes.” Mórrígan is presented here as a daunting woman encouraging slaughter and delighting in it. She is seen in a negative light, a frightening omen of death.

Irish and Old-Norse battle spirits and fate.
Valkyrjur could influence fate to a certain extent. Proof of this might be found in Völundarkviða. This lay starts with a prose section which describes the encounter with the valkyrjur. In the following poem this encounter is summarized and the poem continues describing what happens after the girls flew away. In the first verse of the poem the girls are said to be: alvítur ungar / ørlög drýgja, ‘young beings who determine people’s fate’. It should be noted that the Old-Norse word ørlög means “destiny”, “fate”, “death” and “battle”. Drýgja means “to be engaged in”, “to occupy oneself with”. Destiny is given as the first translation for ørlög in the dictionary, so it is probably the primary meaning. The other meanings are also remarkable in the valkyrjur-context. The word ørlög combines the primary function of the valkyrjur; battle, with the primary function of the nornir, who mainly occupied themselves with determining people’s fate. This word, then, also connects these beings to each other, and shows that their functions were interwoven. This connection becomes even clearer when Snorre Sturluson mentions Skuld, the youngest of the nornir, as one of the valkyrjur in his Edda.

In a poem from Njáls saga (‘The saga of Njál’) called Darraðarljóð (‘Dorrud’s Lay’) a gruesome picture of the valkyrjur is presented. A man sees women, who call themselves valkyrjur, weaving human guts. They use human heads as the weights, a sword for the beater and an arrow for the shuttle while singing a poem. This poem explains that the weaving is a warning for the slaughter that will follow. The women say that they will follow the king into battle; they are after all valkyrjur and will choose the warriors that will fall. The poem further predicts the defeat of the Irish men:  “Bad times are coming for the Irishmen, never erased from memory. The web is woven and the battlefield is bloodred. Terrible tidings will travel far.” They also say that the sky is reddened from the blood that was spilled. At the end of the poem the women declare that: “Humming we ride on horses without saddles, with unsheathed swords fast away from here.” The fact that the woman are weaving with human guts possibly connects them to the nornir and thus to fate, the nornir are, after all, said to weave a person’s fate.

In the Irish stories we encounter battle spirits who try to warn against slaughter. The battle they warn against occurs despite the warning. In TBC we find that a battle spirit plays a massive role: Morrígan in fact causes the cattle raid. By her acts she ensures that the cattle raid will occur. Morrígan is also able to guarantee victory. In CMT she ensures the victory of the Dagda and his people by sleeping with him. When Cú Chulainn refuses her in TBC she makes clear that bad luck will come his way.

Battle spirits associated with fertility and the earth
In Cath Maige Tuired we read about the union of Morrígan and the Dagda in §84. He meets her while she is washing and they sleep together. Dagda meets Morrígan at the water which again suggests that she was more than just a battle goddess. This associates her with fertility and the land and also with water. In TBC we see that Morrígan threatens to attack Cú Chulainn when he is fighting in the waters of the ford. Cú Chulainn however ends up severely wounding her. Carey says: There are, then, many stories in which sexually active or demanding women, associated or identified with the waters of rivers or the sea pose a threat to men in general and to the heroic warrior in particular. But it would be an oversimplification simply to equate water with ‘the feminine’, and to oppose it to the world of men. In the case of CMT, however, the Dagda benefits from the encounter with Morrígan. By sleeping with Dagda, Morrígan ensures his victory in battle. This becomes clear in the next paragraph where Morrígan tells the Dagda where the Fomoire were going to land: at Mag Céidne. She advises him to summon the áes dána of Ireland to meet her at the ford of the Unshin and she promises him that she will destroy the king of the Fomoire: And she would go into Scétne to destroy Indech mac Dé Domnann, the king of the Fomoire, and would take from him the blood of his heart and the kidneys of his valor. Later she gave two handfuls of that blood to the hosts that were waitingat the Ford of the Unshin. This makes clear that Indech mac Dé Domnann is doomed. Morrígan has chosen his death and has sealed his fate by presenting two handfuls of his blood to the hosts. Blood is often used as an omen for death and battle in both the Celtic and Old-Norse literature.

Carey notes a Norse parallel to this episode, in this tale the woman is set in a purely negative light. The giantess Gjálp is standing upstream with one foot on each of the river Vimur’s banks causing a flood. This flood almost overwhelms Thor when he's trying to cross. He brings the water under control again by throwing a stone at Gjálp and remarks that a river must be stopped at its source.

The prophecies Morrígan makes at the end of CMT also show her connection to the prosperity and fertility of the land. The most notable mention of Morrígan in the dindshenchas (‘History of Placenames’) also shows a strong connection to fertility. She appears in the poem about Odras, a tale about the wife of Buchet, the hospitaller. Morrígan is called ba samla día sóach, “the shape-shifting goddess was a phantom (?)” as it is translated in DIL. Edward Gwynn translates the sentence as follows “In this wise came the shape-shifting goddess”. She is further described as Tuc léi tarb in tnúthach, / in rígan garb gnáthach “The envious queen fierce of mood, the cunning raven caller”, and as in Mórrígan mórda, / ba slog-dírmach sámda “the mighty Morrígan, whose pleasure was in murdered hosts”. Morrígan steals a bull, which then covers a cow. She brings the bull to Cruachan, where this bull will later be the cause of TBC. Odras follows her, but is overcome by sleep. Morrígan then comes to her and chants powerful spells over her sleeping body turning her into a river. Here Morrígan is depicted as a mighty, frightening sorceress and battle goddess who has the ability to shape-shift and who delights in slaughter. She is strongly associated with cattle, prosperity of the land and with water: she turns Odras into a river. This link to both cattle and the land might again suggest a link with fertility. In Táin Bó Cúailnge Morrígan is also often associated with cattle. She actually causes the cattle raid and during the cattle raid she often appears next to cattle and once she even transforms herself into a cow. Máire Herbert states that Morrígan’s activities have a tutelary character: “She oversees the land, its stock and its society. Her shape-shifting is an expression of her affinity with the whole living universe of creatures, bird, animal and human.”

In the Old-Norse literature the fertility goddess Freyja is also a goddess of death. She and Odin divide the warriors chosen by the valkyrjur and take them to their halls, as is told in Grímnismál.  Freyja could therefore be seen as a chiefvalkyrja. She also has the ability to see in the future and is able to perform (evil) magic, just like Morrígan. To exemplify this twofold nature of Freyja, Máire Bhreathnach mentions that one of the early kings of Sweden is said to have been crushed by a seidkona (a witchwoman) who took the form of a mare. Perhaps this story is about king Vanlande, one of the first kings of Uppsala. This king was, according to Snorre Sturluson’s Ynglinga saga as told in Heimskringla, killed by a mara. He had promised to return to a Finnish girl, but after he failed to do so for ten years, the girl calls in the help of a seidkona who then conjures the mara to kill him.

The valkyrjur might also have a connection to the land since they were often seen at the side of a lake. They could also shape-shift and mainly took the form of a swan.

Irish and Old-Norse battle spirits as protective goddesses
Morrígan often seems to guide and protect Cú Chulainn during his life. In other stories she mainly appears as a war goddess, in Táin Bó Cúailnge, Táin Bó Regamna, and Aided Conculainn, however, she fulfils a more important role in addition to appearing as ‘just’ a battle spirit. Her role in TBC becomes more important as she is associated with the hero of TBC, Cú Chulainn, and crosses his path on several occasions. In ‘The Fight between Éogan mac Durthacht and Conchobar’, Cú Chulainn is searching for Conchobar. On a battle field he notices a man carrying half of another man on his back. The man asks if Cú Chulainn wants to help him carry his brother. Cú Chulainn refuses whereupon the man throws his burden to Cú Chulainn. They start to fight and Cú Chulainn is thrown down. Then the voice of the war goddess (in mboidb) is heard from among the corpses: “It’s a poor sort of warrior that lies down at the feet of a ghost!”After hearing this, Cú Chulainn immediately rises and decapitates his opponent. In this episode the consequence of the presence of the badb/bodb, again translated as war goddess, is different from the situations discussed earlier; here Cú Chulainn regains strength from her words and he can now defeat his opponent.

The presence of the war goddess is stimulating and revitalising. It seems reasonable to identify Badb with Morrígan since Morrígan appears throughout the Ulster Cycle as Cú Chulainn’s special protective goddess. After Morrígan’s assumed presence in `The fight between Éogan mac Durthacht and Conchobar’, where she helps him, her role becomes more ambiguous when Morrígan and Cú Chulainn have a talk in ‘The conversation of the Morrígan with Cú Chulainn’. She comes in the shape of an extraordinarily beautiful young woman to him, dressed in colourful clothing, bringing along her treasures and cattle. She introduces herself as the daughter of king Búan and tells Cú Chulainn that she fell in love with him after hearing of his fame. Cú Chulainn declines her advances, upon which Morrígan starts to utter threats. Her love and will to protect him rapidly turn into a desire for revenge: during crucial moments in battle she will emerge to hinder him in the form of an eel, a grey she-wolf and a hornless red heifer. Cú Chulainn is not impressed by her threats and is sure that he will win this fight. He does not want her protection. Morrígan’s role in this tale shows a parallel with her role in Cath Maige Tuired, where she offers her love and protection in war to the Dagda. He accepts her offer, while Cú Chulainn refuses. In the Old-Norse texts we often read of valkyrjur offering their love and protection to a specific hero. In Völsunga saga, it is impossible for the valkyrja Brynhild to get the man she wants and here her love turns into hate and will lead to the death of the hero she had chosen to become her husband.

The threats from Morrígan and Cú Chulainn’s reaction are also present in Táin Bó RegamnaTBR is one of the fore-tales, or remscéla, of TBC. It might even be the most important remscéla from the Táin.This story tells us what caused the Táin.  In TBR Cú Chulainn and his charioteer Laeg meet a strange company. They see a one legged red horse in front of a red chariot. The pole of the chariot went straight through the horse. On the chariot they saw a red woman with red eyebrows wearing a red cloak. When asked for her name she gives an absurd long list, which infuriates Cú Chulainn. She is a satiric poet and received the cow in exchange for a poem. Cú Chulainn asks her to recite the poem. When the poem is finished, a furious Cú Chulainn wants to take another leap into the chariot, but the chariot, together with the woman, man and cow have suddenly disappeared. He then notices a black bird on a branch near him. That is when he recognizes her as Morrígan. He tells her that she is an evil woman, and that if he had known that he was dealing with her, he would have acted differently. Morrígan says that it does not matter, since it would lead to bad luck in any case. Cú Chulainn then argues that Morrígan does not have the ability to cause him bad luck. She disagrees and tells him: "Yes, I certainly can," said the woman. "To seal your death, I am with you and I will be with you," she said. As it turns out she cannot actually cause his death since Cú Chulainn’s bravery defies fate. In this story Morrígan shows in many different ways that she is a supernatural being. She can shape-shift: she changes into a black bird. Besides being able to see the future and possibly influence fate, Morrígan also has a prophetic gift: she tells him that because of what she did here, the cattle raid of Cúailnge will take place. Cú Chulainn points out that the cattle raid will make him even more famous. Morrígan then answers with the same threats as in ‘The conversation of the Mórrígan with Cú Chulainn’: she will attack him in the shape of an eel, a she-wolf and a hornless red heifer. These threats are formulated a bit different in TBR: as a grey she-wolf she will take a bite out of him, in TBC she threatens to rush the cattle upon him. In this version she is more explicit about what she will do to him as a red hornless heifer. In TBC she says: “’I shall come to you in the guise of a hornless red heifer in front of the cattle and they will rush upon you at many fords and pools yet you will not see me in front of you.’” In TBR she says that she will be a white cow with red ears and she will go into the water of the ford followed by a hundred of other white red-eared cows. The whole herd will storm in the ford and she says that Cú Chulainn will be decapitated there. The threats Cú Chulainn utters in response are the same in both accounts. Only at the end of the tale the woman’s identity is revealed. Her identity is not revealed in the text of TBC, only the title shows that we are indeed dealing with Morrígan. In TBR we get a detailed description of the appearance of Morrígan. The colour red is dominant here. The creatures and the colour red (might) refer to the Otherworldliness of Morrígan: “The wolf was greyish-red, the colour of the Cwn Annwn, the hounds of the Welsh Otherworld; the heifer was white and red-eared, and again this combination belongs to the supernatural realms, both in Wales and Ireland.” .Wolves are also closely connected to the supernatural.

In ‘The death of Lóch Mac Mo Femis’ in TBC Morrígan and Cú Chulainn perform the threats they expressed in ‘The conversation of the Morrígan with Cú Chulainn’. In this episode we also find a reference to TBR: “Then it was that Cú Chulainn did against the Mórrígan the three things that he had threatened her with in the Táin Bó Regamna.” Another version of this episode is found in the Book of Leinster. Here Morrígan does the same things to Cú Chulainn but it is remarkable that in this variant Morrígan, in the shape of a white red-eared heifer, is accompanied by fifty other heifers, each pair linked together with a chain of white bronze. These chains are also often mentioned in connection to birds. Morrígan shows characteristics of the mara in this fragment. Her evil thoughts towards Cú Chulainn take the physical form of an eel, a she-wolf and a hornless red heifer, just like the mara is the result of evil desires directed to a specific person. When Morrígan comes to Cú Chulainn to heal her wounds, it becomes clear that the wounds Cú Chulainn inflicted upon her affect all her guises. She does not show all the features of a mara however; the mara often caused anxiety and a loss of breath since she was said to strangle her victim. The mara was a metaphor for a person’s own fears and the malevolent desires of others. Therefore the shape in which the mara appeared is varied and personal and often depends on the situation. When a mara appears in human form, she often appears as either a beautiful, inviting young woman or an old ugly hag; these are also guises Morrígan often appears in. She appears as a young woman in ‘The conversation of Morrígan and Cú Chulainn’, and she takes the guise of an old half blind woman milking a cow in ‘The healing of the Mórrígan’. Cú Chulainn fails to recognize her and heals her in exchange for some milk. After she is healed Morrígan reveals her true identity to him.

In Aided Con Culainn Morrígan tries to prevent Cú Chulainn from going to what will be his final battle. The second day he finds his chariot broken: “Now, the Morrígan had smashed the chariot the previous night, She did not want Cú Chulainn to go to the battle because she knew he would not return to Emain Macha.” Here we see that even though Morrígan vowed to take revenge after Cú Chulainn refused her, she still tries to protect him. Cú Chulainn, however, never pays any attention to her warnings. His horse Liath Macha also tries to stop him by turning his left side to him three times, Cú Chulainn tries to calm him by saying: “Badb struck us in Emain Macha never.” Then Liath Macha allows him to jump in the chariot. Leborcham, the daughter of two of Conchobor’s slaves, also tries to stop him but her attempts are in vain. After the above mentioned attempts to protect him have failed miserably, various events take place that show that Cú Culainn is indeed riding towards his death. On the way to the battlefield Cú Chulainn stumbles upon “three hags of sorcery”, they are cooking a dog. Cú Chulainn is faced with a dilemma: it is geis for him to refuse food, but it is also geis to eat the meat of his namesake. The old women insult him by saying that their cooking place must be below his standards and say: “One who cannot accept or endure little things is not capable of great things.” This makes Cú Chulainn decide to take some of the dog meat anyway, making his death inevitable: violating a geis always leads to misfortune, and often death. He then visits his mother who three times offers him milk that turns into blood, when he leaves his mother’s house and follows his way, he sees two lamenting girls washing a piece of cloth covered with his blood. These are all signs indicating that his death is near.

Cú Chulainn arrives at the plain of Muirthemne and the battle begins. He dies after a long fight. After his death a raven lands on his shoulder just before he is decapitated. This raven (might be) is Morrígan. If the raven is indeed Morrígan, it can be linked to the remark Morrígan made to Cú Chulainn in Táin Bó Regamna; she told him that she was the sealer or guardian of his death, depending on the translation. Her assumed appearance here again emphasizes the special relationship between Morrígan and Cú Chulainn. In this tale Morrígan tries in vain to reverse her own prediction. She warns him by breaking his chariot, but cannot prevent that Cú Chulainn is riding towards his death. Here we also see that Morrígan is inconsistent. After Cú Chulainn refused her in ‘The conversation of the Morrígan with Cú Chulainn’, she does anything within her power to take revenge but now, when his end is near, she tries to prevent him from dying.

Despite showing similarities with the mara in these tales, Morrígan also shows, in my opinion, many characteristics of the female fylgja. She watches over Cú Chulainn just the way the fylgja does, and the advice she gives also leads to Cú Chulainn’s downfall. There is a striking difference, however. When Morrígan turns against Cú Chulainn after he refused her love, this does not lead to Cú Chulainn’s death, the way it would if Morrígan was a fylgja. On the contrary; Cú Chulainn outsmarts her and ends up severely wounding her. Morrígan also tries to prevent his death; this is not something a fylgja could do.

Morrígan’s role also shows similarities with the valkyrja Brynhild’s role. Just like Morrígan guides Cú Chulainn throughout his life, albeit sometimes in an ambiguous way, valkyrjur also often choose a specific hero to protect. As an example see the role Brynhild plays in Sígrdrífumál and Völsunga Saga.

Sígrdrífumál
In the Eddic poem Sígrdrífumál, a valkyrja plays a similar role to the role Morrígan has in relation to Cú Chulainn. Sigurd meets the valkyrja Sígrdrífa who is lying asleep in full armour. He wakes her up and she wants to tell him her story. To strengthen his memory she gives him a drinking horn filled with mead. After invoking the gods and goddesses to regain her magical powers she tells him that she fought in a battle between two kings: Gunnar with the helmet and Agnar. Odin had granted Gunnar victory in this battle and Sígrdrífa was supposed to protect him, but she took matters into her own hands and killed Gunnar. Odin punished her by stinging her with a sleeping thorn and before dooming her to marriage he told her that she would never grant anyone victory anymore. Sígrdrífa then swore to never marry a man who knows fear. After telling her story she shares the wisdom of the runes with Sigurd and gives him advice. Sigurd then promises to marry her and they make an oath to be forever faithful to each other.  The story of Sígrdrífa and Sigurd continues in Völsunga saga, where Sígrdrífa is called Brynhild. Sígrdrífa closely resembles Morrígan: both women are associated with magic, battle and the supernatural and both women declare their love to a specific hero and try to protect and advise him. It is remarkable that in both cultures important female beings closely connected to battle and death declare their love to a specific hero and offer him protection from dying.

Völsunga saga
There are two versions of Völsunga saga, one of which is found in the poetic Edda. The oldest manuscript (Codex Regius) of this version dates from ca. 1270, the date of the original compilation is uncertain, probably between the second half of the twelfth century and not after ca. 1250. The second version is much more elaborate and the oldest manuscript dates from 1400. This version was compiled not later than in 1260-1270. In the fragments of Völsunga saga that are found in the poetic Edda, Sigurd and Brynhild (the same person as Sígrdrífa) meet again. As a valkyrja in Sígrdrífumál Brynhild gives advice and tries to protect Sigurd, the hero she chose to become her husband. When it becomes clear in Völsunga Saga that she will have to marry Gunnar, and that Sigurd has been tricked into marrying Gudrun, her protective love for Sigurd soon turns into a destructive kind of love: if she cannot have him, she will rather see him dead. Brynhild can see the future and has precognitive dreams. She is connected to the supernatural just like Morrígan is. She shows that she is not afraid to participate in battle. All the predictions she makes come true which shows that she cannot alter fate after she has seen it. On the battlefield, as a valkyrja, she does have the power to choose who will live and who is going to Valhöll with her, but now she seems to accept destiny as something that is already decided (probably because of earlier decisions and events) and beyond her influence. Instead of desperately trying to change her fate and the fate of others, she chooses to sink into a depression. Not much is left of the strong, proud woman of the beginning of the saga. She eventually commits suicide. Her role goes beyond the role of the valkyrjur that only appear in battle, she is also given a human side. This happens more in the heroic tales: the valkyrjur in these tales are women with feelings, those present in the poems have less depth.

Brynhild’s role resembles the role Morrígan plays in TBC. In Sígrdrífumál she offers her protection to Sigurd if he is going to marry her, just like Morrígan does with Cú Chulainn. Her love turns just as quickly into hate when it becomes clear that Sigurd cannot marry her. She does not actively try to hurt him, but her will to protect him has completely vanished. She is, however, still responsible for his death. Brynhild’s actions, just like Morrígan’s, also have devastating consequences: the deceit that keeps Brynhild and Sigurd separated, ultimately leads to the downfall of the Niflungar, the race of heroes. In both the Irish and Old-Norse culture the rejection of a woman by a hero or king has fatal consequences. The mysterious woman often associated with a hero’s death, is the woman who married the hero and helps to seal his fate. “There the king’sdeath is often associated with an ill-advised marriage, sometimes to a witch.”

Conclusion
As seen in the chapters above, the Irish and Old-Norse cultures show many similarities. The Old-Norse literature seems to have a more diverse range of beings with different functions connected to battle, while the individuals present in the Irish literature unite many of these functions into a single being. Morrígan for example has the aspect of protection and appearing as an omen of death that the fylgja has in the Old-Norse literature, she also shows the rage and has the frightening quality of the mara, and the way she delights in slaughter and battle and chooses one specific hero to love and protect, shows similarities with the valkyrja.

I also found that specific motifs are presented in a similar way in both the Irish and the Old-Norse culture. In both cultures the blinding of an eye (in the Irish culture the left eye in particular) is seen as a way of gaining otherwise hidden knowledge, mostly connected to the supernatural.

Prophecies of the end of the world, found in both cultures, also show striking similarities; both mention a deterioration of the values of society as the start of the end of the world. The washing of armour or body parts with blood is in both cultures present as a clear omen of death and beings connected to war were in addition associated with birds of prey.

In both cultures we find an occurrence of (supernatural) girls transforming into swans. In my opinion we cannot show with any certainty which culture influenced the other, the stories in which these motifs occur are from different periods, and even in stories written down before the Old-Norse invasions girls transforming into swans already occur.

Battle spirits are in both cultures not only connected to slaughter and battle, they also had a strong affinity with the earth and fertility. Morrígan for example is strongly associated with cattle and she sleeps with the Dagda to ensure his victory in battle, which will benefit society. It is also striking that in both cultures these battle spirits are strongly associated with fate. Their actions have devastating consequences and both the Old-Norse and the Irish battle spirits have the power to choose who is going to die. They cannot always alter fate; in some situations their powers are limited. Morrígan, for example, is unable to change Cú Chulainn’s fate, and Brynhild’s influence on Sigurd and his actions is also limited.

The valkyrjur in the Old-Norse poems are presented as frightening beings, riding on horses and taking part in battle. In the later heroic texts these beings obtain a bigger role. There they often choose one particular warrior to become their husband and they then see it as their task to protect him. When the marriage does not turn out the way they planned or when they do not agree with their husband’s decisions, they become responsible for the hero’s downfall. In this aspect the valkyrja can be compared to the relationship Morrígan has towards Cú Chulainn. She is protective of him and gives him advice, but when he rejects her, she does everything within her power to hurt him. Her treacherous nature is also revealed when she tricks Cú Chulainn into healing her. When Cú Chulainn is riding towards his final battle, her protective side takes over again, and Morrígan tries in vain to prevent him from riding towards his death. The valkyrjur, however, are usually not as ambiguous as Morrígan is. Morrígan still tries to influence fate when Cú Chulainn is doomed to die and presumably even lands on his death body in the shape of a crow. The valkyrjur tend to accept that their former lover is doomed and do not try to change fate, usually they become passive and sometimes even depressed.

The similarities between both cultures, as summarized above, are striking. The question
remains how to explain these similarities? No final conclusion can be given. It would be easiest
to connect them to the Viking invasions in Ireland around the eighth century AC, but older texts already show motifs present in both the Old-Norse and the Celtic culture. Perhaps then the answer can be found in a common Indo-European heritage?

Abbreviations
ACC Aided Con Culainn, in: Hull, E. (London, 1898): The Cuchullin saga in Irish literature.
BDC Bruide Da Choca, Stokes, W. (1900): “Da Choca’s hostel” in: Revue Celtique 21, 149-165, 312-327, 388-402.
CMT Cath Maige Tuired, the second battle of Mag Tuired, Gray, E. (Kildare, 1982).
CMTC Cath Maige Tuired Cunga, “The first battle of Moytura”, Fraser, J. (1916) in: Ériu 8, 1-63,.
DIL Dictionary of the Irish Language, Quin, E. (Dublin, 1983) compact edition.
LG Leabhar Gabhála, The book of Conquests of Ireland, MacAlister, R. (Dublin, 1916).
s.v. sub voce (= under the head-word).
TBC 1 Táin Bó Cúailnge Recension 1, O’Rahilly, C. (Dublin, 1976).
TBC LL Táin Bó Cúailnge from the Book of Leinster, O’Rahilly, C. (Dublin, 1970).
TBDD Togail Bruidne Da Derga in Koch, J. T. (Aberystwyth, 1994): The Celtic heroic age. 4th edition 2003, 166-184.
TBR Táin Bó Regamna, Corthals, J. (Wien, 1987): Táin Bó Regamna. Eine Vorerzählung zur Táin Bó Cúailnge.

The full article with footnotes and bibliography by C. Franken was published at: 

Friday, 21 June 2019

Gaelic Folklore (18): Badb


 18.
Badb

This article deals with the character of Badb, the Irish war goddess, who later became a fairy queen. Her character is sketched according to the descriptions in the books and manuscripts that have been handed down from ancient times.  I have taken the liberty - for the sake of readability - to remove the quotes in Gaelic from the text and to include them as footnotes. This article was previously published in Revue Celtique vol 1 in Paris, France in 1870. 

What follow are descriptions and tales from that source: 

Badb, the Ancient Irish Goddess of War

The discovery of a Gallo-Roman inscription, forms the subject of one of those essays from the pen of the veteran philologist for which the students of Celtic languages and archæology cannot be sufficiently thankful. The inscription, the initial letter of which has been destroyed by an injury to the stone on which it is cut, reads: athuboduæ Aug[ustæ] Servilia Terenta [votum] s[olvit]  l[ibens] m[erito].

M. Pictet’s essay is entitled Sur une Déese Gauloise de la Guerre; and if he is right in his suggestion (which is very probably) that the letter destroyed was a c, and that ATHUBODVÆ should be read CATHUBODVÆ, the title is not inappropriate; and in the CATHUBODVÆ of the inscription we may recognise the badb-catha of Irish mythology.

The etymology of the name athubodua, or cathubodua. The first member of the name (cathu, = Irish cath, «pugna») presents but little difficulty to a Celtic scholar like M. Pictet, who would however prefer finding it written catu, without aspiration, as more nearly approaching the rigid orthography of Gaulish names, in which it is very frequently found as the first element; but the second member, bodua, although entering largely into the composition of names amongst all the nations of Celtic origin from the Danube to the islands of Aran, is confessedly capable of explanation only through the medium of the Irish, with its corresponding forms of bodb or badb (pron. bov or bav), originally signifying rage, fury, or violence and ultimately implying a witch, fairy, or goddess, represented by the bird known as the scare-crow, scald-crow, or Royston-crow.


he ancient tracts, romances, and battle pieces preserved in our Irish MSS. teem with details respecting this Badb-catha and her so-called sisters, Neman, Macha, and Morrigan or Morrigu (for the name is written in a double form), who are generally depicted as furies, witches, or sorceresses, able to confound whole armies, even in the assumed form of a bird. Popular tradition also bears testimony to the former widespread belief in the magical powers of the Badb. In most parts of Ireland the Royston-crow, or fennóg liath na gragarnaith (“the chattering grey  fennóg”), as she is called by the Irish speaking people, is regarded at the present day with feelings of mingled dislike and curiosity by the peasantry, who remember the many tales of depredation and slaughter in which the cunning bird is represented as exercising a sinister influence. Nor is this superstition confined to Ireland alone. The popular tales of Scotland and Wales, which are simply the echo of similar stories once current and still not quite extinct in Ireland, contain requent allusion to this mystic bird. The readers of the Mabinogion will call to mind, amongst other instances, the wonderful crows of Owain, prince of Rheged, a contemporary of Arthur, which always secured factory by the aid of the three hundred crows under its command: and in Campbell’s Popular Tales of the West Highlands we have a large stock of legends, in most of which the principal fairy agency is exercised by the hoodie or scare-crow.

t may be observed, by the way, that the name hoody, formerly applied by the Scotch to the hooded crow or the scare-crow, from its appearance, is now generally applied to its less intelligent relative the common carrion crow. But the hoody of Highland fairy mythology is, nevertheless, the same as the badb or Royston crow. 

I have referred to Neman, Macha, and Morrigu, as the so called sisters of the Badb. Properly speaking, however, the name Badb seems to have been the distinctive title of the mythological beings supposed to rule over battle and carnage. M. Pictet feels a difficulty in deciding whether there were three such beings, or whether Neman, Macha, and Morrigu are only three different names for the same goddess; but after a careful examination of the subject I am inclined to believe that these names represent three different characters, the attributes of Neman being like those of a being who confounded her victims with madness, whilst Morrigu incited to deeds of valour, or planned strife and battle, and Macha revelled amidst the bodies of the slain.

he popular notions regarding the identity of the battle furies with the royston-crow are accurately given in the Irish Dictionary compiled by the late Peter O’Connell, an excellent Irish scholar, who died some 60 years ago, and the original of whose excellent vocabulary is preserved in the British Museum. Thus:
Badb-catha is explained “finnóg, a royston crow, a squall crow”.
“Badb, i.e. bean sidhe, a female fairy, phantom, or spectre, supposed to be attached to certain families, and to appear sometimes in the form of squall crows, or royston crows”.
“Macha; i.e. a royston crow”.
“Morrighain; i.e. the great fairy”.
“Neamhan; i.e. Badb catha nó feannóg; a badb catha or a royston crow”.
Similar explanations are also given by the other modern glossaries.

he task of elucidating the mythological character of these fairy queens has not been rendered easier by the labours of the etymologists, from Cormac to O’Davoren. Thus, in Cormac’s glossary, Nemain is said to have been the wife of Neit, “the god of battle with the pagan Gaeidhel”. In the Battle of Magh-Rath (she is called Be nith gubhach Neid, “the battle-terriffic Be-Neid”, or “wife of Neid”. In an Irish MS., Neit is explained “guin duine .i. gaisced; dia catha. Nemon a ben, u test Be Neid;”. A poem in the Book of Leinster, couples Badb and Neman as the wives of Neid or Neit:

Neit mac Indui sa di mnai,
Badb ocus Nemaind cen goi,
Ro marbtha in Ailiuch cen ail,
La Neptuir d’Fhomorchaibh.

“Neit son of Indu, and his two wives,
Badb and Neamin, truly,
Were slain in Ailech, without blemish,
By Neptur of the Fomorians”.

n the same MS., Fea and Nemain are said to have been Neit’s two wives;  and if Fea represents Badb, we have a good notion of the idea entertained of her character, for Cormac states that Fea meant: “everything most hateful”. But in the poem on Ailech printed from the Dinnsenchus in the “Ordinance Memoir of Templemore, Nemain only is mentioned as the wife of Neit, from whom Ailech was called Ailech-Neit; and it is added that she was brought from Bregia, or Meath.

In the Irish books of genealogy, Fea and Neman are said to have been the two daughters of Elcmar of the Brugh (Newgrange, near the Boyne), who was the son of Delbaeth, son of Ogma, son of Elatan, and the wives of Neid son of Indae, from whom Ailech-Neid is named. Badb, Macha, and Morrigan (who is also called Ana, are described as the three daughters of Delbaeth son of Neid. And it is stated that Ernmas, daughter of Ettarlamh, son of Nuada Airged-lamh (King of the Tuatha-de-Danann), was the mother of the five ladies.

n other authorities, however Morrigan is said to have been Neit’s wife. For instance, in the very ancient tale called Tochmarc Emhire, or Courtship of Emir, fragments of which are preserved in the Lebor na hUidhre and the book of Fermoy, Morrigan is described as an badb catha, ocus is fria idberiur Bee Neid, i.e. bandea in cathae, uair is inan Neid ocus dia Catha ;i.e. “the badb of battle; and of her is said Bee-Neid, i.e. goddess of battle, for Neid is the same as god of battle”. A gloss in the Lebor Buidhe Lecain explains Machæ thus: badb, no asi an tres Morrigan; mesrad machæ, .i. cendæ doine iar na nairlech; i.e. “a scald crow; or she is the third Morrigan (great queen); Macha’s fruit crop, i.e. the heads of men that have been slaughtered:. The same explanation, a little amplified, is also given in the MS. H. 3. 18. where the name Badb is written Bodb, as it is elsewhere, and it is added that Bodb, Macha, and Morrigan were the three Morrigna. In the same glossary under the word  be neit, we have the further explanation:—Neit nomen viri; Nemhon a ben; ba neim-nech in lanomuin; be ben i.e.  in badhb, ocus net cath, ocus olca diblinuib; inde dicitur beneit fort”. i.e.  “Neit nomen viri; Nehmon was his woman (wife); venomous were the pair; be a woman, i.e. the badhb, and net is battle; and both were evil; inde dicitur beneit  fort (“evil upon thee”). Another gloss in the same collection, on the word gudomain, bears on the subject under consideration. It is as follows:—Gudomain, .i. fennoga no bansigaidhe; ut est glaidhomuin goa, .i. na demuin goach, na morrigna; no go conach demain iat na bansigaide go connach demain iffrin iat acht demain aeoir na fendoga; no eamnait andlaedha na sinnaigh, ocus eamnait a ngotha na fendoga; i.e. “gudomain, i.e. scald crows or fairy women; utest glaidhumuin goahe false demons; “it is false that the fendoga (scald crows) are not hellish but aery demons: the foxes double their cries, but the fennoga double their sounds”. To understand this curious gloss it is necessary to add that in a previous one the word glaidomuin is explained as signifying sinnaig, or maic tire (foxes or wolves), because in barking they double their sound; glaidomuin being understood by the glossarist as glaid-emain, i.e. “double call”, from glaid, “call”, and enain “double,” while the crow only doubles the sound, gath-emain, “double-sound”. Cormac explains guidemainas uatha ocus morrigna, i.e. “spectres and great queens”.
Let us take leave of these etymological quibbles, and examine the mythological character of the badb, as portrayed in the materials still remaining to us.

s mostly all the supernatural beings alluded to in Irish fairy lore are referred to the Tuatha-de-Danann. The older copies of the Lebor Gabhala, or “Book of Occupation” that preserved in the Book of Leinster for instance, specifies Badb, Macha, and Ana (from the latter of whom are named the mountains called da cich Anann, or the Paps, in Kerry), as the daughters of Ernmas, one of the chiefs of that mythical colony. Badb ocus Macha ocus Anand, diatat cichi Anand il- Luachair, tri ingena Ernbais, na ban tuathige; “Badb, and Macha, and Anand from whom the “paps of Anann (It is rather an interesting fact that near the mountain called Da-Cich-Anann, there is a fort called Lis-Babha, or the fort of the Badb.) in Luachair are [called], the three daughters of Ernmais, the ban-tuathaig”. In an accompanying versification of the same statement the name of Anand or Ana, however, is changed to Morrigan:

“Badb is Macha mét indbáis,
Morrigan fotla felbáis,
Indlema ind ága ernbais,
Ingena ana Ernmais

“Badb and Macha, rich in store,
Morrigan who dispenses confusion,
Compassers of death by the sword,
Noble daughters of Ernmas”.

t is important to observe that Morrigan is here identified with Anann, or Ana (for Anann is the gen. form); and in Cormac’s Glossary Ana is described as Mater deorum Hibernensium; robu maithdin rosbiathadsi na dee de cujus nominee da cich Nanainne iar Luachair nominantur ut fertur; i.e. “Mater deorum Hibernensium; well she used to nourish the gods de cujus nominee the ‘two paps of Ana’ in west Luachair are named” Under the name Buanand the statement is more briefly repeated. The historian Keating enumerates Badb, Macha, and Morrighan as the three goddesses of the Tuatha-de-Danann; but he is silent as to their attributes. It would seem, however, that he understood Badb to be the proper name of one fairy, and not a title for the great fairy queens.

In the Irish tales of war and battle, the Badb is always represented as foreshadowing, by its cries, the extent of the carnage about to take place, or the death of some eminent personage. Thus in the ancient battle-story, called Bruiden da Choga, the impending death of Cormac Condloinges, the son of Conor Mac Nessa, is foretold in these words:
Badb bel derg giarfid fon tech; Bo collain bet co sirtech.”
“The red-mouthed Badbs will cry around the house, For bodies they will be solicitious.”
And again:
“Grecfaidit badba banae”, “Pale badbs shall shriek.”

In the very ancient tale called Tochmarc Feirbe, or the “Courtship of Ferb:, a large fragment of which is preserved in the Book of Leinster, the druid Ollgaeth, prophesying the death of Mani, the son of Queen Medb, through the treachery of King Conor Mac Nessa, says:

“Brisfid badb
Bid brig borb,
Tolg for Medb;
Ilar écht,
Ar for slùag,
Trúag in deilm  

Badb will break;
Fierce power will be
Hurled at Medbh;
Many deeds—
Slaughter upon the host—
Alas! the uproar.”

In the account of the battle of Cnucha (or Castleknock, near Dublin), preserved in a 14th century MS., the druid Cunallis, foretelling the slaughter, says:
Biagh bádba os bruinnibh na bfear,  “Badbs will be over the breasts of men .”

In the description of the battle of Magh-Tuiredh, it is said that just as the great conflict was about to begin, the “badbs, and bledlochtana, and idiots shouted so that the were heard in clefts and in cascades, and in the cavitites of the earth; badba ocus bledlocktana, ocus amaite, go clos anallaib, ocus a nesaib, ocus a fothollaib in talnian.

In the battle of Magh-Rath it is the “gray-haired Morrigu “(scald-crow), that shouts victory over the head of Domhnall son of Ainmire, as Dubgdiadh sings:

Fuil os a chind ag eigmigh
Caillech lom, luath ag leimnig
Os eannaib a narm sa sciath,
Is i in Morrigu mongliath.

“Over his head is shrieking
A lean hag, quickly hopping
Over the points of their weapons and shields
She is the gray-haired Morrigu.”

In the account of the massacre of the Irish Kings by the Aithech-tuatha, preserved in the Book of Fermoy, it is stated that after the massacre: ba forbhailidh badhbh derg dasachta, ocus ba bronach banchuire don treis sin; “Gory Badb was joyful, and women were sorrowful, for that conflict.”

n the enumeration of the birds and demons that assembled to gloat over the slaughter about to ensue from the clash of the combatants at the battle of Glontarf, the badb is assigned the first place. The description is truly terrible, and affords a painful picture of the popular superstition at the time. “There arose a wild, impetuous, precitpitate, mad, inexorable, furious, dark, lacerating, merciless, combative, contentious badb, which was shrieking and fluttering over their heads. And there arose also the satyrs, and sprites, and the maniacs of the valleys, and the witches, and goblins, and owls, and destroying demons of the air and firmament, and the demoniac phantom host; and they were inciting and sustaining valour and battle with them.” (1.) —“Cogadh Gaedhel re Gallaibh.”
So also in the account of the battle fought between the men of Leinster and Ossory, in the year 870, contained in the Brussells Fragments of Irish Annals, the appearance of the badb is followed by a great massacre: “Great indeed was the din and tumult that prevailed between them at this time, and Badb appeared among them, and there was great destruction between them to and fro.” (2.)

ut the Badbs could do more than scream and flutter. Thus we read in the first battle of Magh-Tuiredh, that when the Tuatha-de-Danann had removed to the fastness of Connacht, to Sliabh-Belgadain, or Cenn-duibh-slebhe, that Badb, Macha, and Morrigu exercised their magical powers to keep the Fir-bolgs in ignorance of the westward movement. “Then the Badb, and Macha, and Morrigu went to the hill of hostage-taking, the tulach which heavy hosts frequented, to Temhair (Tara), and they shed druidically formed showers, and fog-sustaining shower-clouds, and poured down from the air, about the heads of the warriors, enormous masses of fire, and streams of red blood; and they did not permit the Fir-Bolgs to scatter or separate for the space of three days and three nights.” (3.)  It is stated, however, that the Fir-Bolg druids ultimately overcame this sorcery. And in the battle of Magh-Tuiredh they are represented as assisting the Tuatha-de-Danann. Thus, in the account of the third day’s conflict we read i.e. “The chieftains who assisted the Tuatha-de-Danannon that day were Ogma, and Midir, and Bodb Derg, and Diancecht, and Aebgabha of Norway. ‘We will go with you,’ said the daughters, viz:—Badb, and Macha, and Morrigan, and  Danann (or Anann).” (4.)

nother instance of the warlike prowess of these fairies is related in a curious mythological tract preserved in the Books of Lismore and Fermoy. I refer to the Hallow-eve dialogue between the fairy Rothniab and Finghen Mach-Luchta, in which the fairy enumerates the several mystical virtues attached to that pagan festival, and amongst others the following, referring to an incident arising from the battle of the Northern Magh-Tuiredh, or “Magh-Tuiredh of the Fomorians.” 
‘And what other virtue, ‘asked Finghen. 
‘Not difficult to tell,” said the woman. There were four persons who fled before the Tuatha-de-Danann from the battle of Magh-Tuiredh, so that they were ruining corn, and  milk, and fruit-crops, and sea produce; viz: one of them in Slemna-Maighe-Itha, whose name was Redg; one of them in SliabhSmoil, whose name was Grenu; another man of them in Dromanna-Cruachan, whose name was Tinel. This night [i.e. on a similar night] they were expelled from Eriu by the Morrigan, and by Badb of sidh-Femain,and by Midir of  Brig-leith, and Mac-ind-oig, so that Fomorian depredators should never more be over Eriu. Book of Fermoy, (5)

n the grand old Irish epic of the Tain Bo Cuailnge, Badb (or Bodb) plays a very important part.  Neman confounds armies, so that friendly bands fall in mutual slaughter whilst Macha is pictured as a fury that riots and revels among the slain. But certainly the grandest figure is that of Morrigu, whose presence intensifies the hero, nerves his arm for the cast, and guides the course of the unerring lance. As in this epic the first place in valour and prowess is given to Cuchullain, the Hector of the Gaeidhel, it is natural to expect that he should be represented as the special favourite of the supernatural powers. And so it is; for we read that the Tuatha-de-Danann endowed him with great attributes. In that passage of the Tain where Cuchullain is described as jumping into his chariot to proceed to fight Firdia Mac Demain, the narrative says “the satyrs, and sprites, and maniacs of the valleys, and demons of the air shouted about him, for the Tuatha-de-Danann were wont to impart their valour to him, in order that he might be more feared, more dreaded, more terrible, in every battle and battle-field, in every combat and conflict, into which he went.” So, when the forces of Queen Medb arrive at Magh-Tregham, in the present county of Longford, on the way to Cuailnge, Neman appears amongst them. (6.) “Then the Neman, i.e. Badb, attacked them, and that was not the most comfortable night with them, from the uproar of the giant Dubtach through his sleep. The bands were immediately startled, and the army confounded, until Medb went to check the confusion.” Lebor na hUidhre. (7.)

nd in another passage, in the episode called Breslech Maighe Muirthemhne, where a terrible description is given of Cuchullain’s fury at seeing the hostile armies of the south and west encamped within the borders of  Uladh, we are told (Book of Leinster): “He saw from him the ardent sparkling of the bright golden weapons over the heads of the four great provinces of Eriu, before the fall of the cloud of evening. Great fury and indignation seized him on seeing them, at the number of his opponents and at the multitude of his enemies. He seized his two spears, and his shield and his sword, and uttered from his throat a warrior’s shout, so that sprites, and satyrs, and maniacs of the valley, and the demons of the air responded, terror-stricken by the shout which he had raised on high. And the Neman, i.e. the Badb, confused the army; and the four provinces of Eriu dashed themselves against the points of their own spears and weapons, so that one hundred warriors died of fear and trembling in the middle of the fort and encampment that night.” (8.)

f the effects of this fear inspired by the Badb was geltacht or lunacy, which, according to the popular notion, affected the body no less than the mind, and, in fact, made its victims so light that they flew through the air like birds. A curious illustration of this idea is afforded by the history of Suibhne, son of Colman Cuar, king of Dal- Araidhe, who became panic-stricken at the battle of Magh-Rath, and performed extraordinary feats of agility. Another remarkable instance will be found in the Fenian Romance called Cath-Finntragha (Battle of Ventry Harbour), where Bolcan, a king of France, is stated to have been seized with geltacht at the sight of Oscur, son of Oisin, so that he jumped into the air, alighting in the beautiful valley called Glenn-na-ngealt (or “the Glen of the Lunatics”), twenty miles to the east of Ventry Harbour, whither, in the opinion of the past generation, all the lunatics of the country would go, if unrestrained, to feed on the cure-imparting water cresses that grow there over the well called Tobar na ngealt, or the “well of the lunatics”. In the same tale it is also said that those who heard the shouts of the invading armies on landing were surprised that they were not carried away by the wind and lunacy: “ba hiongna le gach dá gcúaladna garrtha sin gan dol re gaoith agus re gealtachus doib.” Persons are also represented as frightened to madness on observing the fight between Cuchullain and Ferdia, which forms the chief episode in the Tain bo Cuailgne.

gain, in the battle of Almha (or the Hill of Allen, near Kildare), fought in the year 722, between Murchadh, king of Laighen, and Ferghal, monarch of Ireland, where “the red- mouthed, sharp-beaked badb croaked over the head of Ferghal,” (ro lao badb belderg biorach iolach um cenn Fergaile), we are told that nine persons became thus affected. The Four Masters (A.D. 718) represent them as “fleeing in panic and lunacy,” (do lotar hi faindeal ocus I ngealtacht). Other annalists describe them in similar terms. Thus, Mageoghegan, in his translation of the “Annals of Clonmacnoise,” says they “flyed in the air as if they were winged fowle.” O’Donovan (in notes to the entries in his edition of the Four Masters, and Fragments of Annals) charges Mageoghegan with misrepresenting the popular idea; but Mageoghegan represented it correctly, for in the Chronicum Scotorum the panic-stricken at this battle are called “volatiles,” or gealta. May we not therefore seek, in this vulgar notion, the origin of the word “flighty” as applied to persons of eccentric mind?
But although, as we have seen, the assistance given to Cuchullain by Neman was both frequent and important, the intervention of Morrigu in his behalf is more constant. Nay, he seems to have been the object of her special care. She is represented as meeting him sometimes in the form of a woman, but frequently in the shape of a bird—most probably a crow. Although, apparently, his tutelary goddess, the Morrigu seems to have been made the instrument, through the decree of a cruel fate, in his premature death. 

he way was thus: In the territory of Cuailnge, near the Fews Mountains, dwelt a famous bull, called the Donn Cuailgne (or Brown [Bull] of Cuailgne), a beast so huge that thrice fifty youths disported themselves on his back together. A certain fairy, living in the caves of Cruachan, in the county of Roscommon, had a cow, which she bestowed on her mortal husband, Nera, and which the Morrigu carried off to the great Donn Cualgne, and the calf that issued from this association was fated to be the cause of the Tain Bo Cuailgne. The event is told in the tale called Tain Be Aingen, one of the prefatory stories to the great epic, which thus speaks of the Morrigan. “The Morrigan afterwards carried off his [Nera’s] son’s cow, so that the Donn Cuailgne consorted with her in the east in Cuailgne. She went westward again with the cow. Cuchullain met with her in Magh-Muirthemhne whilst crossing over it; for it was of Cuchullain’s prohibitions that even a woman should leave his territory unless he wished. . .  Cuchullain overtook the Morrigan, and he said: “the cow shall not be carried off.” (9.) But the Morrigan whom Cuchullain probably did not recognise in the form of a woman, succeeds in restoring the cow to her owner.

ll the while, Morrigan seems to watch over the interests of the Ultonians. Thus when, after the death of Lethan at the hands of Cuchullain, Medbh endeavoured, by a rapid and bold movement, to surround and take possession of the Donn Cuailgne, we find her acquainting the Donn Cuailgne with the danger of his position, and advising him to retire into the impenetrable fastness of the Fews.
“It was on that very day that the Donn Cuailgne came to Crich-Margin, and fifty heifers of the heifers about him. . .  It was the same day Morrigu, daughter of Ernmas, from the Sidhe, came [in the form of a bird—Lebor na hUidhre] and perched on the pillar stone in Temair of Cuailnge, giving notice to the Donn Cuailnge before the men of Erui; and she proceeded to speak with him, and said, ‘Well thou poor thing, thou Donn Cuailnge; take care, for the men of Eriu will come to thee, and they will take thee to their fortress if you do not take care. ‘And she went on warning him in this wise, and uttered these words aloud.” Here follows a short and very obscure poem to the same effect], Book of Leinster. (10.)

mmediately after the foregoing incident the narrative, as preserved in the Lebor na hUidhre, represents Cuchullain and Morrigu as playing at cross-purposes. I have suggested that Cuchullain did not appear to recognise the Morrigu when she met him in the form of a woman, in the scene quoted from the Tain Be Aingen. He seems similarly ignorant of her identity on other occasions, when she is said to have presented herself before him in female shape. Let us take, for example, the episode entitled Imacallaim na Morigna fri Coincullain,—“Dialogue of the Morrigan with Cuchullain, “which preceeds his fight with Loch, son of Ernonis.
“Cu saw the young woman dressed in garments of every hue, and of most distinguished form, approaching him. ‘Who art thou?’ asked Cu. 
‘The daughter of Buan, the King,’ said she; ‘I have come to thee; I have loved thee for they renown, and have brought with me my jewels and my cattle.’
‘Not good is the time thou hast come,’ said he. It is not easy for me to associate with a woman whilst I may be engaged in this conflict.’
'I will be of assistance to thee therein,’ replied she.
‘Not by woman’s favour have I come here, ‘responded Cuchullain.
’Twill be hard for thee,’ said she, ‘when I go against thee whilst encountering men. I will go in the form of an eel under thy feet, in the ford, so that thou shalt fall.’
‘More likely, indeed, than a king’s daughter; but I will grasp thee between my fingers,’ said he, ‘so that thy ribs shall break, and thou shalt endure that blemish forever.’
‘I will collect the cattle upon the ford towards thee, in the shape of a grey-hound,’ said she.
‘I shall hurl a stone at thee from the sling,’ said he, ‘which will break thine eye in the head; and thou shalt be under that blemish for ever.’
‘I will go against thee in the form of a red hornless heifer before the herd, and they shall defile the pools, and fords, and linns, and thou shalt not find me there before thee’
‘I will fling a stone at thee,’ said he, ‘which will break thy right leg under thee; and thou shalt be under that blemish for ever,’
With that she departed from him.” (11.)

n some MSS. The foregoing dialogue forms the principal feature in a romantic tale called Tain Bo Rgeamhna, which, like the Tain Be Aingen, is one of the prefatory stories to the great Cattle Spoil. Like the Tain Be Aingen, also, it introduces the Morrigu in the character of a messenger of the fate that had decreed the death of Cuchullain when the issue of the Donn Cuailnge and the Connacht cow should have attained a certain age. But the Tain Bo Regamhna is further important, as connecting the Morrigu with Cuchullain, in the position of protector. The tale, which is too long to quote in extenso, represents Cuchullain as one morning meeting the Morrigu in the form of a red-haired woman, driving a cow through the plain of Murthemne, as related in Tain Be Aingen. Cuchullain, in his quality of guardian of the border district, tries to prevent her from proceeding; and after a great deal of argument during which Cuchullain seems  not to know his opponent, the woman and cow disappear, and Cuchullain percieves that she has become transformed into a bird, which perches on an adjacent tree. Cuchullain, as soon as he become aware that he had been contending with a supernatural being, confident in his own might, boasts that if he had known the character of his opponent, they would not have separated as they did; whereupon the following exchange of sentiments takes place:
‘What hast thou done?’ asked she; ‘Evil will ensue to thee therefrom.’
‘I care not,’ said Cuchullain.
‘But I do,’ said the woman (i.e. the bird or badb); it is protecting thee I was, am, and will be,’ said she. I brought this cow from Sidh-Cruachna, so that the Dubh Cuailnge, i.e. Daire Mac Fiachna’s bull, met her in Cuiailnge. The length of time you have to live is until the calf that is in this cow’s body will be a yearling; and it is it that shall lead thee to the Tain bo Cuailnge.’
‘I will be illustrious on account of that Tain,’ observed Cuchullain; ‘I shall wound their warriors, break their great battles, and I will be in pursuit of the Tain.’ (Lebor Buidhe Lecain).  
Then the Morrigu threatens to act to Cuchullain in the way detailed in the dialogue which I have just quoted; and, as the tale concludes, “the Badb afterwards goes away.” (luid ass in Badb iarum). (12.)

he Morrigu puts her threats into execution during Cuchullain’s fight with Loch, son of Ernonis. The narrative in Lebor na hUidhre describes the encounter in the following manner:
“When the men met afterwards in the ford, and when they commenced fighting, and assaulting, and when each man began to strike the other, the escongon (eel) made a triple twist round  Cuchullain’s legs, so that he was lying down prostrate across in the ford. Loch struck him with his sword, and the ford was gory-red from his blood... Thereupon he arose and struck the eel, so that her ribs broke in her. And the cattle rushed violently past the army, eastwards, carrying the tents on their horns, at the sound made by the two warriors in the ford. He (Cuchullain) drove to the west the wolf-hound that collected the cows against him; and cast a stone out of his sling at it, which broke its eye in its head. Then she (Morrigu) went in the shape of a short hornless red heifer before the cows, and advanced into the linns and fords; when he said:‘I see not the fords with the pools.’
He cast a stone at the red hornless heifer, and broke her leg.” (13.) it is added that “it was then truly that Cuchullain did to the Morrigu the three things which he had promised to accomplish, in the Tain Bo Regamna;” (is andsin tra do géni  Cuchullainn frisin Morrigain a tréde do rairngert di hi tain bó Regamna;” ib).

ith respect to the instances of transformation already referred too, it may be pertinent to quote the following, which is given in an account of the battle alleged to have been fought at Tailte between the Milesian forces and Eire, queen of Mac Greine, king of the Tuath-de-Danann,  who acted in the capacity of a war goddess. The Milesian chiefs are represented as having advanced as far north as the hill of Uisnech, when it is added: “They saw the one woman, smooth-red, large, black-browed, in the shape of two... approaching them. The hosts wondered with constant observation of her behaviour and changefulness. At one moment she was a broad-eyed, most beautiful queen, and another time… a beaked, white-grey badb… She sits down in the presence of Eremon; she enjoins her protection on Emir. ‘What country hast thou come from, and what companion dost thou associate with, and what name is to be addressed to thee, o woman, asked Eremon. ‘From the ardent Tuatha de Danann I have come truly,’ said she, ‘and Mac Greni, warrior, is my husband, and Eriu is my name, ‘said the woman.” Ms. H. 4. 22.  (14.) And Aimhirgin asks, immediately after the preceding dialogue, ca ni chuingi etir, a ingin ilrechtach; “what do you request, o woman of many shapes,” the latter epithet being used in allusion to the frequent transformations referred to before. The account further represents her as fighting a battle with the chiefs in question, in the form of a badb.

he next meeting between Cuchullain and the Morrigan is very curious. It is thus related: “Then the Morrigu, daughter of Ernmas, came from the Sidhe, in the form of an old woman, and was milking a three-teated cow in his presence. The reason she came was, in order to be helped by Cuchullainn; for no one whom Cuchullainn wounded could recover unless he himself had some hand in the cure. Cuchullain asked her for milk, after having been troubled with thirst. She gave him the milk of one teat. “May I be safe from poison therefor.” The queen’s eye was cured. He asked her again for the milk of a teat. She gave it to him. “May the giver be safe from poison.” He asked for the third drink, and she gave him the milk of a teat. “The blessings of gods and men be on thee, woman (the people of power were their gods, and the wise people were their andée “non divine:); and the queen was cured.” (15.)

hen the time approached in which Cuchullainn should succumb to the decree of fate, as previously announced to him by Morrigan, the impending loss of her favourite hero appears to have affected her with sorrow. The night before the fatal day when his head and spoils were borne off in triumph by Erc Mac Cairpre, Morrigan, we are told, disarranged his chariot, do delay his departure for the fated meeting. Thus we read in the Aided Conchullainn, or “Tragedy of Cuchullainn,” contained in the Book of Leinster that when he approached his horse, the Liath Macha, in the last morning of his existence, this faithful companion of his many victories “thrice turned his left side” towards his master, as an augury of his doom so soon to await him; and he found that “the Morrigan had broken the chariot the night previous, for she liked not that Cuchullainn should go to the battle, as she knew that he would not again reach Emain Macha.” (16.) Then follows a curious scene between Cuchullainn and Liath Macha or “grey horse of Macha,” the hero reminding his steed of the time when the Badb accompanied them in their martial feats at Emain Macha, or Emania (rodonbai badb in Emain Macha), and the Liath, becoming so affected at the impending fate of his master, co tarlaic a bolgdera móra fola for a dib traigthib, “that he dropped his big tears of blood on his (Cuchullain’s) two feet.” The grief of the Liath Macha, and the arts of the Morrigu, were of no avail, Cuchullain would go to the field of battle, impelled by the unseen power which ruled his destiny. 

ut before he approaches the foe, he meets with three female idiots, blind of the left eye, cooking a charmed dog on spits made of the rowan tree; creatures of hateful aspect and wicked purpose. 
Cuchullain’s strength must be annihilated, or the fates will have decreed in vain; and this can only be done through his partaking of the horrid dish, which he resolves to do rather than tarnish his chivalrous reputation by refusing the request of the witches, although aware of the tragic results about to ensue, The strength of the hero is paralyzed by the contact with the unclean food handed to him from the witch’s left hand; and Cuchullainn rushes headlong to his doom. But still the Morrigan does not abandon him, although apparently quite powerless to assist him; for as he comes near to the enemy, “a bird of valour” is seen flying about over the chief in his chariot (en blaith, i.e. lon gaile, etarluamnach uasa erra oen charpait). And after he has received his death-wound she perches beside him awhile, before winging her flight to the fairy palace beside the Suir, from which she came. The following is the description of Cuchullainn’s proceedings after receiving his mortal wound, extracted from the Book of Leinster “He (Cuchullainn ) then went westwards, a good distance from the lake (lock Lamraith in Magh Muirthemne), and looked back at it. And he went to a pillar stone which is in the plain, and placed his side against it, that he might not die sitting or lying, but that he might die standing. After this the men went all about him, but dared not approach him, for they thought he was alive. ‘It is a shame for you,’ said Erc Mac Cairpre, ‘not to bring that man’s head in retaliation for my father’s head, which was borne off by him, and buried against Airsce Echdach Niafer. His head was taken from thence, so that it is in Sidh-Nenta...  Afterwards, moreover, the Liath Macha went to Cuchullain, to guard him whilst his spirit lived in him, and whilst the lon laith (bird of valour?) continued out of his forehead. Then the Liath Macha executed the three red routs about him, when fifty men fell by his teeth, and thirty by each shoe, all of the enemy’s host; and hence the proverb—‘Not more furious was the victorious rout of the Liath Macha, after the killing of Cuchullain,’—Thereupon the bird went and perched near his shoulder. “That pillar stone was not usually the resort of birds,” said Erc Mac Cairbre, who supposed the Morrigan to be a mere carrion crow awaiting the feast prepared by his hand. (17.) Then they advance and cut off Cuchullain’s head, and the Morrigan disappears from the scene.

he exact meaning of the expressions en blaith, and lon gaile (called also lón or lúan-laith) which occur in the preceding sentences have not been well defined. Some writers have understood en blaith as a veritable “bird of valour,” whilst others deem the words as a title for a particular kind of frenzy. I have not met with any statement identifying the bird of valour with the scare-crow, or, indeed, with any bird in particular, although the principal heroes in the Irish battle pieces, from Cuchullain to Murchadh, son of Brian, have each his “Bird of valour” flying over him in the thick of the fight. In the account of the battle of Magh-Rath, we are told that Congal Claen, excited to fury and madness by the exhortations of one of his servants, in the banqueting hall at Dun-na-ngedh, “stood up, assumed his bravery, his heroic fury rose, and his ‘bird of valour’ fluttered over him, and he distinguished not friend from foe at the time”. So when Murchadh, son of Brian after the repulse of the Dal-Cais by the Danes, at the battle of Clontarf, prepares to assail the enemy, it is said that” he was seized with a boiling terrible anger, an excessive elevation and greatness of spirit and mind, A bird of valour and championship rose in him, and fluttered over his head and on his breath.” But this lon laith, en gaile, or bird of valour (?) which hovered about Cuchullain, not only excited him into fury, as is represented, but also produced a strange bodily transformation, from which he obtained the sobriquet of the Riastartha, or transformed. Thus, in a passage in the tale form which I have so often quoted already, where King Ailill deems it advisable to beg Cuchullain’s permission for the Connacht army to retire from a position of danger, the following account of the effects of this paroxysm of fury is given:‘Take counsel together,’ said Ailil; ‘entreat Cuchullain that he may permit you to leave this place, since you cannot pass by him forcibly, because his lon laith has sprung,’—For it was usually the case with him when his lon laith started in him, that his feet turned backwards and his arms forward, and the calves of his legs were transferred to his shins, and one of his eyes sank deep into his head, whilst the other was protruded, and a man’s head would fit in his mouth. Every hair on his head was sharper than then thorns of whitethorn, and a drop of blood stood on each hair. He would not know friends or relations, and he slew equally backwards and forwards. Hence it was that the men of Connacht applied the name of ‘Riastartha’ to Cuchullainn.” (18.)

t has been already observed that the name of the goddess, o fury, whose identity we have been endeavouring to connect with Cathu-bodua, is written badb and bodb, just as the adjectives derived therefrom are written badba and bodba, and the driv. subst. badbdacht and bodbdacht. The term bodba (terrible) is applied to the  Morrigan in an old tract in the book of Leinster, where Conor Mac Nessa is represented as directing Findchad to summon auxiliaries to assist Cuchullainn: ardotrai cosin nathaig mbodba, cosin Mórriagain co dún Sobairche; “go to the terrible fury, to the Morrigan, to Dun-Sobairche (Dunseverick, co.Antrim).” The name Morrigan is also varied, as we have seen, to Morrigu; but as the genitive form is Morrigna, the proper nom. would seem to be Morrigan.

In the Irish mythological tracts a well-marked distinction is observable between the attributes of the scald-crow and those of the raven; the scald-crow, or cornix, being represented in the written as in the spoken traditions of the country, not alone as a bird of ill omen, but as an agen in the fulfilment of what is “in dono” in dan, or decreed for a person, whilst the raven is simply regarded as a bird of prey, that follows the warrior merely for the sake of enjoying its gory feast. Just as the German myths describe Odin and Zio as accompanied by ravens and wolves, which follow them to the battle field, and prey upon the slain, so the Irish poets, in their laugations of particular heroes, boast of the number of ravens and wolves fed by their spears. Odin, especially, had two ravens, wise and cunning, which sat upon his shoulders and whispered into his ears, like Mahomet’s pigeon, all that they had heard and seen. In this latter respect the raven of German mythology stands in the same relation to Odin that the raven of Greek mythology does to Apollo. The Scandinavians, like their German relatives, considered the raven in a sacred light.

he Anglo-Saxon chronicle (at the year 878) records the capture from the Norse of a banner called the Raven, of which a more particular account is in Asser’s Life of Alfred, at the same year. After describing the defeat of the Pagan Norse before Kynwith castle. On Devonshire, the writer adds, “and there they (the West Saxons) gained very large booty, and amongst other things the banner called the Raven; for they say that the three sisters of Hingwar and Hubba, daughters of Lodbrok, wove that flag and got it ready in one day, They say, moreover that in every battle, wherever that flag went before them, if they were to gain the victory, a live crow would appear flying on the middle of the flag; but if they were doomed to be defeated it would hang down motionles; and this was often proved to be so.” Earl Sigurd also is said to have had a raven banner at the battle of Clontarf, which his mother had woven for him with magical skill. This idea fo the raven banner is probably connected with the tradition given in the Vœlsûnga-Saga, which represents Odin as sending the Valkyria Oskemey, in the form of a crow, on a mission to Friga, to entreat that the wife of King Reris might become fruitful; and the prayer being heard, a son (Sigmund) was born, whose son Sigurd married Brunhilt, a Valkyria, who was kalled Kraka, or the crow, and who was the wife of Radnar Lodbrok, and mother of Ivar Beinlaus.

The Morrigan has some dim connection to the pagan festival of Samhain, or Allhallowtide. Macha Mongruadh, the fabled foundress of Ard-Macha (Armagh) whose sword (chaidhem Macha Moingruadh) is described as a very powerful weapon, is sometimes Morrigan; as is also Mongfind, a great queen of the 3rd cent., in whose honour the festival of Samhain was anciently called “Feil-Moing,” “when the vulger and women asked requests of her.” (Book of Ballymote.)

he name of the  Morrigan  is found connected with many of the fulachts, or Kitchen Middens, particularly with the larger ones, which are called “Fulacht na Morrigna,” the “Morrigan’s hearth,” whilst the smaller ones are named “Fulacht Fian.” One of these great Fulachts at Tara would cook three kinds of food at the same time. Some account of it wil be found in Petrie’s “Antiquities of Tara,” (where, however, Petrie should have considered it rather a cauldron than a spit). In the tract call the dthe Agallamh beg, or “Little Dialogue,” contained in the Book of Lismore mention is made of another Fulacht-na-Morrigna which existed near the fairy mound of Sidh-Airfemhin, in the present county of Tipperary.“It was they who made a hut for themselves that night; and indeonad (cooking places were made by them and Cailte and Findchadh went to the stream to wash their hands. ‘Here is the site of a fulacht, ‘said Finchadh and it is a long time since it was made.’
‘True,’ said Cailte; ‘and this is a fulacht-na-Morrighna which is not to be made without water’” (i. e. there should be a supply of water near at hand). (19.)

The name of the Morrigan enters not a little into the composition of Irish topographical names. In the present county of Louth there is a district anciently known by the name of Gort-na-Morrigna, of the “Morrigan’s feild,” which her husband, the Dagda, had given to her (Book of Fermoy,”). The Book of Lismore mentions a Crich-na-Morrigna, as somewhere in the present county of Wicklow. Among the remarkable monuments of the Brugh on the Boyne were Mur=na-Morrigna (the mound of the Morrigan); two hills called the Cirr and Cuirrel (or comb and brush) of the Dagda’s wife, which Dr. Petrie has inadvertently transformed into two proper names; and Da cich na Morrigna, or the “Morrigan’s two paps.” The name of the Morrigan is also probably contained in that of Tirreeworrigan, in the county of Armagh.

W. M. Hennessy.

P. S.—Mr. Hennessy’s preceding paper is a valuable contribution to the comparative mythology of the Germans (chiefly Scandinavians) and Celts. More than one element of the Badhbh-story is common to both races. I mention briefly the chief coincindences.
I. To the ancient Irish goddesses of war correspond to the Norwegian (and, in general, Germanic) Valkyrias.
II. These Irish goddesses appear either by themselves, or (when more than one) three in number. In a similar way the Norns appear three together, and the youngest of them, Skuld, is at the same time a Valkyria. Very often too, three Valkyrias fly together (Vœlundarquidha, 1, 2).
III. One of these goddesses is often the special companion of one hero, assists and warns him and, when his hour has come, leaves him with a cry. Instances of love-stories of a supernatural character are numerous in Germanic mythology. « Sigurd and Brynhild » furnish one. But the finest of the stories in the Older Edda, in the songs of Helgi. I do not find however that in Germanic tales the approaching death is announceed by the divine bride leaving her husband with sorrow. Perhaps there may have been something of that kind in Sigurd’s murder committed at the instiguation of Brynhild. The dying Helgi too says to his Valkyrian bride: « Do you not sorrow, you have been destruction. » Herein seems to lurk a conception more stern than the Irish, namely that the Valkyrian herself is, when time arrives, the instrument of her lover’s death. The simply divine Valkyrias that live with Odhinn and are not attached to any particular man, are sent by him for the special purpose of calling the heroes  home . Hence in fact the name Valkyria, the chooser of the slain.  (Norse val-r, strages; kiosa, eligere).
IV. The Irish goddesses appear in the form of a bird, which is more especially considered as the bird of valour of the hero. It is not always easy to find out what exact form they assume, but it is genearally that of a scaldcrow. The Germanic Valkyrias generally appear as swans. Yet the Vœlsunga Saga tells of love between one of Sigurd’s ancestors and a Valkyria, who assumed the figure of a crow, and Aslaug, daughter of Sigurd, who accompanies Ragnar Lodbrok after the fashion of the Valkyrias, calls herself also  crow (kraka).
V. The names of the Irish goddesses, as far as can be ascertained, are Badb, ( or Badb-catha ) Fea, Ana, Morrigu (or Morrigan) Macha, Neman. Perhaps we might be justified in comparing the name of Macha with gr. μάχη. As far as the first of these names is concerned it is certainly identical witn M. Pictet’s [C]athubodua and it has its counter-part in Germany. Tacitus tells us (Ann. IV, 73) that, in the eventful campaign of the Romans against the Frisians, nine hundred Romans were slain: Apud lucum quem Baduhennæ vocant, "Near the wood which is consecrated to Baduhennæ."
Now Badu is a Germanic word for strife  (Anglo-Saxon beado, Old-Norse boedhr). Indeed it does not appear as the name of a Valkyria; but when one thinks that by the side of nemas in—hild decidedly derived from the Valkyrias such as Mahthild, Gundhild, Svanhild, there appears an Old-High German woman-name Baduhild which indirectly confirms the statement of Tacitus, it becomes most probably that there was an ancient Germanic goddess of war, named Badu.
Such similarities between German and Celtic traditions cannot be accidental. Not even the historical connection of the Scandinavians and the Irish can explain them. It seems that we must go much further back, to those times when along the Rhine Celts and Germans mixed together, sometimes as friends, sometimes as foes, when the king of the Marcomans, Maroboduus, a German by birth, assumed a Celtic name, in the same way as in later times Cormac, Nial, went over to the Scandinavians from Celtic lips. The old Gaulish names Caturix, Toutiorix, Segomaros, Albiorix, have their Germanic corresponding words (some of which are still in use) in the names Hedrich, Dietrich, Sigmar, Alberich.
All these instances of resemblance indicate a long intercourse, and songs and traditions, as well as names and words, may have been interchanged from one side of the Rhine to the  other and have strenghtened the old bonds which united Celts and Germans in the time of the Indogermanic unity.

C. Lottner.  

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Footnotes

(1.) Ro erig em badb discir, dian, demnetach, dasachtach, dúr, duabsech, detcengtach, cruaid, croda, cosaitech, co bai ic screchád ar luamain, os a cennaib. Ro eirgetar am bananaig, ocus boccanaig, ocus geliti glinni, ocus amati adgaill, ocus siabra, ocus seneoin, ocus damna admilti aeoir ocus firmaminti, ocus siabarsluag debil demnach, co mbatar a comgresacht ocus i commorad aig ocus irgaili leo.
(2.) As mór tra an toirm ocus an fothrom baoi eturra an uair sin, ocus ra togaibh badbh cenn eturra, ocus baoi marbhadh mór  eturra san cán;
(3.) Is annsin do chuaidh Badhbh ocus Macha ocus Morrighu gu cnoc gabala na ngial, ocus gu tulaig techtairechta na trom sluag, gu Temraig, ocus do feradar cetha dolfe draigechta, ocus cith nela cotaigecha ciath, ocus frasa tromaidble tened, ocus dortad donnfala do shiltin asin aeor i cennaib ne curad, ocus nir legset scarad na scailed do feraib Bold co cenn tri la ocus tri naidche.
(4.) Is iad taisig ro ergedar re Tuathaib de Danann isin lo sin .i. Ogma ocus Midir ocus Bodb derg ocus Diancecht, ocus Aengaba na hiruaithe. Rachmaitne lib ar na ingena .i. Badb ocus Macha, ocus Morrigan, ocus Danann;
(5.) Ocus cidh buadh aile, for Fingen. Ni ansam, for in ben. Ata ann cethrar atrullaiset ria Tuathaib de Danann a cath Muigi tuired, corrabatar oc coll etha ocus blechta, ocus messa, ocus murthorad .i. fer dib a slemnaib Maigi Itha .i. Redg a ainmsidé; fer dib a sléib Smóil .i. Grenu a ainmsidé;fer aile a ndromannaib Breg .i. Bréa a ainm; fer aile dib hi crichaib cruachna .i. Tinel a ainmsidé. Indocht rosruithéa a hErinn .i. in Morrigan ocus Badb Side Femin, ocus Midir Brig Leith, ocus Mac ind óc, conna beth foglai Fomóir for hErinn cu brath.
(6.) ra gairestar imme boccanaig, ocus banánaig, ocus geniti glinni, ocus demna aeoir, daig dabertis Tuatha de Danann a ngasciud immisium, combad móti a grain, ocus a ecla, ocus a urúaman in cach cath ocus in cach cathrói, in cach comlund ocus in cach comruc i teiged;
(7) Dosfobair tra ind Nemain .i. in Badb lasodain, ocus nipsísin adaig bá samam doib la budris ocus focherd dirna mor dint slógh conluid Medbh dia chosc.
(8.) Atchonnairc seom uad gristaitnem na narm nglan orda os chind chethri noll choiced nErend refuiniud nell na nona. Do fainig ferg ocus luinni mor icanaiscin re ilar a bidbad, re immad a namad, Rogab a da shleig, ocus a sciath, ocus a chlaideb, Crothais a sciath, ocus cressaigis a shlega, ocus bertnaigis a chlaidem, ocus do bert rem curad as a bragit cororecratar bananaig ocus boccanaig, ocus geniti glinni, ocus demna aeoir, re uathgrain nag are dosbertatar ar aird, co ro mesc ind Neamain .i. in Badb forsint slog. Dollotar in armgrith cethri choiced hErend im rennaib a sleg ocus a narm fadessin, conerbaltatar ced laech dib d’uathbas ocus chridemnas ar lar in dunaid ocus in longphoirt in naidchisin.
(9.)Berid in Morrigan iarum boin a mic sium cen bai seom ina cotlad, conderodart in Donn Cuailgne tair i Cuailgne. Do thaet cona boin doridise anair, Nostaertend Cuchullain i Mag Murthemne oc tuidecht tairis, ar ba do gesaib Conculaind ce teit ban as a thir manib udairc les. . . Da thairte Cuchullain in Morrigan, cona boid, ocus isbert ni berthar in nimirce, ol Cuchullain
(10.) Is he in la cetna tanic in Dond Cuailgne co crich margin, ocus coica samseisce immi do samascib. . .  is e in la cetna tanic in Morrigu, ingen Ernmais a sibaib [in deilb euin] comboi for in chorthi i Temair Chualgne ic brith rabuid don Dund Chualgne ria ferdaib hErend, ocus rogab ac a acallaim; ocus maith, a thruaig, a duind Cuailnge ar in Morrigu, deni fatchius daig ardotreset fir hErenn, ocus not berat dochum longphoirt mani dena faitchius; ocus ro gab ic breith rabuid do samlaid, ocus dosbert na briathrasa ar aird.
(11.) Conacca Cu in nocben chuci conetuch cacn datha  impe, ocus delb ro derscaigthe fuirri. Ce taisiu or Cu. Ingen Buain ind rig, or si; do deochaidh cuchutsa; rotcharus ar thairscelaib, ocus tucuc mo seotu lim, ocus mo indili. Ni maith, em, ind inbuid tonnanac, nach is olc ar mblath oinmgorti. Ni haurusa damsa dana comrac fri banscail cein nombeo isind nith so. Bid im chobairse daitsiu (.i. do gensa congnom latt) oc sudiu. Ni ar thoin mna dana gabussa inso. Bi ansu daitsiu, or si, in tan doragsa ar do chend oc comrac fris na firu; doragsa irricht escongan for chossaib issind ath co taithis. Dochu lim, on, oldas ingen rig; notgebsa, or se, im ladair commebsat t’asnai, ocus bia fond anim sin co ro secha brath bennachtan fort. Timorcsa in cethri forsind ath do dochumsa irricht soide glaisse. Leicfesa cloich daitsiu as in tailm co commart do suil it cind, ocus bia fond anim co ro secha brath bennachtan fort. To rach dait irricht samaisci maile derce riasind eit, comensat forsnai lathu, ocus fors na hathu, ocus fors na liniu, ocus nimaircechasa ar do chend. Tolecubsa cloich deitsiu or se, commema do fergara fot, ocus bia fo ind anim sin co ro secha brath bennachtan fort. Lasodain teit uad.
(12.) Cid andarignisiu, ol si, rodbia olc de. Ni cuma dam ol Cuchullain. Cumcim eicin ol in ben; is ac [do] diten do baissiu, atusa ocus biad, olsi. Do fucus in mboinsea a sith Cruachan, condarodart in Dub Cuailnge lim i Cuailnge .i. tarb Dairi mic Fiachna, Ised aired biasu imbeathaid corop dartaig in laegh fil imbroind na bo so, ocus ise consaithbe Tain Bo Cuailnge. Bid am ardercusia de din tain ishin, ol Cuchullain. Gegna a nanrada, brisfe a mor chatha, bid a tigba na tana.
(13.) O ro chomraicset iarom ind fir for sind áth, ocus o rogabsat oc gliaid ocus oc imesorcain and, ocus o ro gab cach dib for truastad a chéli, focheird in escongon triol (.i. tri curu) im chossa Conculaind combói fáen fotarsnu isind áth  ina ligu. Dauautat (.i. buailis) Loch cosin chlaidiub combu chroderg int ath dia fuilriud. . . . Lasodain atraig, ocus benaid in nescongain comebdatar a hasnai indi, ocus comboing in cethri  dars na slúaga sair ar ecin, combertatar a puple innan adarcaib lasa torandcless darigensat in dá lathgáile isind ath. Tanautat som ind sod mactire do imairg na bú fair siar. Léicid som cloich as a tailm co mebaid a suil ina cind. Téite irricht samaisce máile derge, muitte rias na buaib forsna linni ocus na háthu. Is and asbert som ni airciu ( .i. ni rochim) anáthu la linni. Leicidsom cloich dont samaisc máil déirg comemaid a ger gara foi.” Lebor na hUidre.
(14.) go facadar in en mnai minderg moir malach dhuibh in deil bdesi . . . . da ninsaigidh. Ingantaigsed na sluaigh re sirdechsain ahinnell ocus a habaise. In darna huair ann ba rigan roisclethan ro alainn; ocus in uair aill . . . . na baidb biraigh banghlais. . . . . . Suidhis ar inchaib Eremoin; snaidmis a heinech ar Emir. Ca crich as ar cemnigis ocus ca cele ca clechtaidh do comluigi, ocus ca hainm is raiti rit a ingín, ar Eremon. O tuathaib digraisi de Denann do dechladhus am, bar, isi, 7 mac gréni gaiscedhach mfher cele, 7 Eriu mainmse, bar in ingen.
(15.)Andsin tanic in Mórrigu ingen Ernmais a sidaib irricht sentainne, corrabi ic blegu bó trí sine na fiadnaisse. Is immi tainic si sin ar bith a forithen do Choinchullaind; daid ni gonad Cuchullain nech ara térnád combeth cuit dó fein na legus. Conattech Cuchullain blegon fuirri iar na dechrad dittaid. Do brethasi blegon sini dó . Rop slán a neim damsa so. Ba slána lethrosc na rigna. Conaittecht som in tres ndig, ocus dobrethasi blegon sine dó. Bendacht dée ocus ándee fort a ingen (batar é a ndee int aes cumachta, ocus andee int aes trebaire); ocus ba slan ind rigan.
(16.)Teite Cuchullainn adochum [in Leith Macha], ocus ro impa int ech a chle friss fothri, ocus roscail in Morrigu in carpat issind aidchi remi, ar nir bo ail le a dul Conculainn dochum in chatha, ar rofitir noco ricfad Emain Macha afrithis.
(17.) Do dechuid iarum crich mór ond loch  (Loch Lamraith in Magh Muirthemne) slar, ocus rucad a rosc airi, ocus téit dochum coirthi cloiche file isin maig cotarat a choimchriss immi, narablad na suidiu, nach ina ligu, conbad ina sessam atbalad. Is iarsin do echatar na fir immacuairt, ocus ni rolamsatar dul a dochum. Andarleo ropo beo. Is mebol duib, ol Erc Mac Cairpre, cen cend ind fhir do thabhairt lib in digail chind m’atarsa rucad leis co ro adnacht fri airsce Echdach Niafer. Rucad a chend assaide co fil i síd Nenta iar nusciu. . . . .  Iarsin tra do dechaid in Liath Macha co Coinculaind dia imchoimét in céin robói a anim and, ocus ro mair in lon laith ass a étan. Is iarum bert in Liath Macha na tri derg ruathar immi ma cuairt, co torchair l. leis cona fiaclaib, ocus xxx cach crui do issed romarb dont sluag. Conid de ata nitathe buadremmend ind leith Macha iar marbad Conculainn. Conid iarsin dolliud ind ennach for a gualaind. Nir bo gnáth in corthe ut fo enaib ar Erc mac Carpre.
(18.) Denaid comarli for Ailill, Gudid Conculainn im for lecud asind inudsa ar ni ragaid ar ecin tairis uair rodlebaing a long laith, ar ba ges dosom intan no linged a lon laith ind imreditis a traigthi iarma ocus a escada remi, odus muil a orcan for a lurgnib, ocus in dala suil inachend, ocus araili fria chend anechtair; do coised fer chend for a beolu. Nach findae bid fair ba hathithir delca sciach, ocus banna fola for cach finnu. Ni aithgnead coemu na cairdiu. Cumma no slaided riam ocus iarma. Is desin dober fir nolnecmacht in riastarthu do animm do Coinculainn. (Lebor na hUidhre)
(19.) Ba hiat fein do rinde both doibh ind oidchi sin, ocus do rinded indeonadh leo, ocuss teit Cailte ocus Findchadh do indlad a lámha cum int srotha. Inad fulachta so ar Findchad, ocus is cian o do rinded. Is fir ar Cailte, ocus fulacht na Morrighna so, ocus ni denta gan uisce.

Revue Celtique vol 1, Badb, The Ancient Irish Goddess of War, by WM Hennessey, 1870





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